STIGMERGY: The C4SS Blog
Advice for Gary North: When You Find Yourself in a Hole, STOP DIGGING!

I confess that I’m not a Gary North fan. Usually I just ignore him. But since he started weighing in on Bitcoin and various libertarian writers have taken the time rebut his errors, I’ve sort of had to pay attention (here’s a Google search that should bring up most of his diatribes and the responses thereto). I guess it’s time to do my part and briefly fisk his latest compendium of ignorant assumption.

First, a brief note on where I don’t necessarily disagree with North:

He doesn’t believe that Bitcoin is “real money” as defined in Austrian economic doctrine. He may be right about that. It’s not backed by any physical commodity. It is not, at least at the moment, a reliable “store of value” (its value relative to various currencies and commodities has tended to fluctuate wildly; while I think we’ve seen the worst of that, I could be wrong).

But even if Bitcoin is not “real money,” it’s already proven its worth in one of the functions that money serves: As a “medium of exchange.” The aforementioned fluctuations do make that a somewhat dicey proposition (I recently bought a television with Bitcoin that, had I saved it for two more weeks would have been worth four times as much in US Federal Reserve Notes, for which I could have bought a much nicer TV and maybe a new guitar!), but so far it’s the best kludge I’ve seen for taking electronic (as opposed to physical “cash”) economic exchanges off the government regulation grid.

Now to the problems with the piece I link above.

North asserts that US government paper money is superior to Bitcoin in terms of privacy because:

[A]nyone with a bank account in the United States can obtain greenbacks. … As soon as an individual has paper money, he has total privacy. He also has total control over his money. He knows where the money is. He decides where the money will go. He decides how long he will keep the money. He can of course be robbed, but this is relatively rare.”

Pause for effect. OK, spit-take break over.

“Anyone with a bank account?” Really? Let’s see: In order to get a bank account, you have to present government ID and undergo a credit check. Once you have a bank account, the bank monitors all of your transactions on behalf of, and reports anything “suspicious” (including all transactions greater than $5k) to, the federal government.

But even setting that part aside, on every other count above Bitcoin is at least as good as paper money. Once you have Bitcoin, you have total control over it. You know where it is. You decide where it will go. You decide how long you will keep it. And if you’re careful, your chances of getting robbed of Bitcoin are considerably lower than your chances of getting robbed of paper money.

Just as an example of that last claim, let’s take the case of Ross Ulbricht, allegedly “Dread Pirate Roberts” of Silk Road fame. The US government stole his web site, and while they were at it they were able to steal a fraction of Bitcoin that was stored in transit/commerce accounts on its server. But even though they have physical possession of a copy of an account with 144,000 Bitcoins (as I write this, about $140 million USD worth) in it, that money is safe as houses. It’s encrypted. Well-encrypted. They can’t get to it without its owner’s consent. And if he has another copy stored somewhere, it will be waiting for him when he escapes the regime’s clutches. Assuming it’s his, which we can’t safely assume. Do you think he’d have been able to keep $140 million green pieces of paper, or a $140 million bank balance, out of their clutches?

And as far as privacy per se is concerned, yes, as I’ve said again and again, Bitcoin is not inherently anonymous. But it can be made so fairly easily.

North’s next line of argument:

Almost nobody knows how to buy Bitcoins. The person must buy them through a Bitcoins currency exchange company. He has no idea which ones are reliable. He risks getting into an exchange like the Silk Road, which the government shut down. He risks getting into an exchange like the one that replaced it, Sheep Marketplace, which was hit by a $100 million heist, and which shut down, leaving its users with a 100% loss. … He has to know how to use computers to get access to this kind of money. Not many people know how to do this online. In other words, there is a huge learning curve involved in gaining access to this privacy money.

Hmm, where to begin?

No, you don’t have to buy Bitcoins through a currency exchange company. In fact, I have never done so. There’s no problem at all with coming to a personal arrangement of any variety you like with someone who has Bitcoins to get them. You might sell them something. You might hand them those green pieces of paper that North seems to like so much. You might set up a “donate Bitcoin” button on your web site.

Secondly, neither Silk Road nor Sheep Marketplace were “Bitcoins currency exchange companies.” They were marketplaces in which goods and services were traded using Bitcoin as a medium of exchange. North doesn’t know what he’s talking about here.

Thirdly, complaining that people have to know how to use computers to get access to this kind of money is pretty weak. People have to know how to use computers to get access to Gary North’s articles at LewRockwell.com, too. People have to know how to use computers to get access to books at Amazon.com. Whoop de freaking do.

Yes, you need a little more than average computer knowledge and better equipment to “mine” Bitcoin out of the aether efficiently — or you can do it inefficiently right in your browser at bitcoinplus.com, or you can buy shares in mining operations, or you can earn Bitcoin at a number of those “pay per click” sites for viewing ads — but using Bitcoin in commerce is no more knowledge-intensive than using a credit card or Paypal in commerce.

Next:

There is no way to prosecute. There is no way for a depositor to get his digital money back. He bought secrecy with respect to any police agency, so nobody can find out where his money went, and he has no legal claim against anybody.

There are two ways to look at these claims.

The first way is from the perspective of someone who actually believes the state is there to “protect” us from these problems. I’d ask that person how he plans to prosecute someone who didn’t hand over the gram of cocaine in return for greenbacks, or whether he’d expect the police to roll out and turn on the sirens because he got ripped off for ten bucks on something “legitimate.” And I’d point out that some “mainstream” Bitcoin outfits are integrating themselves into the state system. I expect that within a year or so you’ll see protection systems similar to PayPal’s “buyer protection plan” operating in some Bitcoin markets. Of course, to take advantage of those protections, you’ll have to do the same things that take the privacy out of dollar exchanges — produce government ID or link a government-ID-backed bank account, etc.

The second way is to look at it from a libertarian or anarchist standpoint. Yes, one disadvantage of abandoning state “protection” is that you either have to do without it or develop new systems to replace it. At present, some people would rather do without it than pay the price for it, and I don’t see why North would object to their preferences in that regard. And I suspect that over time the “off-grid” Bitcoin users will also develop systems that make it easier to guarantee delivery of goods or services for payment — especially, but not only, after the state is no longer part of the picture.

Next, North moves on to “marketability”:

You cannot use Bitcoins to buy anything in approximately 99.9% of American retail establishments. This is probably too low an estimate. You cannot buy what you want, when you want, where you want with Bitcoins. There are search costs involved in locating anybody who will sell you anything with Bitcoins.

You can’t use gold bullion to buy anything in approximately 99.9% of American retail establishments. I’m trying to think of the last time I read Gary North complaining that gold is an awful, awful idea.

But my guess is that you can use Bitcoins to buy anything in far more than 0.1% of Internet retail establishments, either directly or indirectly, and that that percentage is growing. Here’s a VERY partial list of well-known establishments whose Internet storefronts I can buy gift cards for using Bitcoin through only one provider:

Barnes and Noble, CVS Pharmacy, GameStop, The Gap, Land’s End, Sephora, TGI Fridays, Home Depot, 1-800-Flowers, Belk, Brookstone, FTD, Groupon, JC Penney, K-Mart, Overstock.com, 1-800-Pet-Supplies, Sears, Wal-Mart, Applebee’s, Chili’s, Domino’s, IHOP, Maggiano’s Little Italy, Morton’s The Steakhouse, Papa John’s, Red Robin, Steak’n’Shake, Tony Roma’s, Banana Republic, Babies R Us, Foot Locker, Hot Topic, Old Navy, Sports Authority, Stein Mart, Zales, Dell, Staples, Toys R Us, Bass Pro Shops, Cabela’s, Bath and Body Works, Nutri-System, Lowe’s, American Airlines, Carnival and Celebrity cruises, Hyatt and Marriott hotels …

By the way, I had never noticed that outlet before I started writing this post. It took me about 30 seconds to find it once I started looking. So I think we can write North’s notions of “marketability” off with relative ease.

The nut of North’s final bewildering argument is this gem:

The Bitcoins market operates only at the discretion of the central banks. The central banks allow Bitcoins for the moment, and only because of this toleration by the central banks does any market for Bitcoins exist.

In actuality, the truth is something close to the reverse of this claim. The central banks have precisely zero control over Bitcoin, and to the extent that they threaten regular banks with sanctions for accepting/dealing in it, they’re harming themselves and those banks, not Bitcoin.

North’s premise is that merchants will only accept a currency that they can deposit in the traditional banking system. He may be right about some merchants, but even if he is, see that list above: The major merchants don’t have to accept Bitcoin in order for customers to buy from them using Bitcoin. Intermediaries who don’t give a tinker’s damn about government approval or access to the existing bank system will be glad to act as market makers for a cut of the action.

And if the two systems — government regulated banks and decentralized, encrypted, peer-to-peer currencies — separate completely, I know which one I’ll bet on myself (hint: I haven’t had a bank account in 13 years).

As I’ve said over and over, I don’t know if Bitcoin will be the state-killer currency app, but I do know such an app is coming and that it will require several of Bitcoin’s essential features.

North is all wet in every major area he addresses here.

[Cross-posted from KN@PPSTER]

The Weekly Libertarian Leftist And Chess Review 7

Stephen Moss discusses Jeremy Scahil’s, Dirty Wars.

Karam Filfian reviews Dirty Wars.

Anthony Papa asks for a pardon of both drug war prisoners and the turkey.

Deepak Tripathi discusses Obama’s Middle Eastern policy.

David Macray discusses the plight of ex-convicts.

Ahmad Barqawi discusses Bandar’s reign of terror.

David Rosen discusses the private security threat to civil liberties.

John LaForge discusses whether the U..S really has the best military in the world.

Michael Desch discusses a new neoconservative book.

Gene Healy reviews Ira Stoll’s book titled JFK, Conservative.

Corey Robin discusses attitudes towards grad student unions.

Sheldon Richman discusses the pointlessness of deaths in the Afghan War.

Seamus Milne discusses Britain’s involvement in dirty wars.

Justin Raimondo discusses “isolationism” or what we usually call peace.

Ryan Holiday has a list of 43 books to read on war.

Eugene Robinson discusses the immorality of Obama’s drone war.

Jacob Hornberger discusses the recent airstrike that killed a child in Afghanistan.

Nelson P. Valdes discusses how to normalize relations with Cuba.

Davey D discusses how the new mayor of New York appointed a stop and frisk loving police chief.

William Blum discusses the qualities of statist murderers.

Steve Horn and Carl Gibson discusses how a globally renowned activist collaborated with Stratfor.

Fernando Teson discusses the pope’s statism.

Noam Chomsky discusses the 60 year oppression of the Iranian people by the U.S..

Conn Hallinan discusses the non-proliferation treaty and Iran.

Mark Weisbrot discusses the violence and fraud surrounding the recent Hounduran elections.

John Emerson discusses the empire of the Comanche Indians.

Paul Kerley has a slideshow on the Vietnam War to offer.

Chris Brock discusses Stephen Kinzer’s new book on the Dulles Brothers.

Game 7 of the recently concluded World Chess Championship.

Game 8 of the recently concluded World Chess Championship.

Alliance Of Austin Agorists: Q&A With Charles W. Johnson

Alliance of Austin Agorists first networking party: An interview/Q&A with Charles W. Johnson. Due to some technical difficulties we were only able to capture three out of the ten questions that were actually conducted that night.

On Anarchist Thought Crime and Property Rights

On the popular anarchist facebook page Anarchist Memes, an admin decided to exercise his private property rights in vocalizing his opinion that in a stateless society, unpopular opinions will not be dealt with peacefully.

Status:

“You think anarchism means we should all have some sort of right to say whatever you feel like?

So let me get this straight, people think that in a stateless society, everyone is going to allow others be a massive asshole whenever they talk? Without the police to uphold liberal ideas such as freedom to be bigot, I doubt people would tolerate intolerance with mere simple verbal disagreement.

Without state protection, oppression (from bigotry to patriarchy to capitalism) wouldn’t thrive as much as it does now. That’s sort of the point of the anti-state position of anarchism. “

In this short space, Anarchist Memes has shown us clearly why property rights are a necessity: So that individuals have a certain sphere of autonomy in which they can be themselves in any manner they desire. It is this communist’s dream that one day, anyone the commune deems as a threat can be easily shut up by whatever natural forces we allow to wreak havoc on the “bigots,” who are of course never themselves humans or victims of abuse.

To this style of anarchist, the brutality of the state lies in the protection of property rights, rather than the absolute and total destruction of them. As a left-libertarian, I wish to smash the state in order to free the individual. Soon, these communist anarchists imagine we shall be rid of the state, and that is when we can take care of the true dissidents. Anarchism to them is not freedom or liberation, it is punishment of thought and speech criminals.

Of course, in a free society racists, sexists, ableists, ageists and speechists will not have to be tolerated equally because of autonomy-enabling property rights. Under this model, social resistance to hateful viewpoints is entirely peaceful. We do not limit the autonomy of another, but we merely withdraw our consent from his influence on us. The individualist does not wish to control the thoughts of others, but finds the collectivistic basis of bigotry abhorrent and chooses not to associate with it. She does not expect the rights of another to decrease at the expense of her offense. She only expects equal freedom to express herself.

Property rights are ultimately the tool of individualists, though. To the anarchists who seem to believe in the divinity of the will of society, the concerns of the individual mean nothing if they do not approve. All thought must be bureaucratically investigated, and then a glorious calculus shall be applied to determine how much less you now “need” as a result of your views. Perhaps it is your free time, your car, your house, your life.  In the case of the commune the property rights of bigots, I am on the side of the latter as an individualist. I say this not in defense of bigots, but in defense of myself and in defense of any minority who sees their equal freedom receding. Property rights are an enforcement of equality and autonomy. The society run purely on social capital is a danger not only to bigots but to all who wish to be free.

The Weekly Libertarian Leftist And Chess Review 6

Welcome to my 6th review! Time to begin.

Graham Peebles discusses the oppression of Ethiopian migrants in Saudi Arabia.

Alexander Cockburn discusses the parallels between JFK and Obama.

Ivan Eland examines JFK’s actual record.

Jonathan Carp proposes a revolutionary alternative to raising the minimum wage.

Jacob Hornberger discusses the post-911 dilution of civil liberties.

Sarah Lazare discusses the new security deal with the Afghani government.

Anthony Gregory wonders whether liberals would be more upset were a president McCain to do what Obama has done.

Sarah Lazare discusses the corporate infiltration of activist groups.

Ann Jones and Nick Turse discuss the plight of America’s wounded soldiers.

Anthony Gregory explains why closing Gitmo isn’t enough.

Kelly Vlahos discusses the politics of drones.

Cole Stangler discusses the second annual Code Pink drone summit.

Matthew Robare discusses Noam Chomsky’s anarchism.

Sheldon Richman responds to Matt Brueing on property rights and force.

Michael Brenner discusses the U.S. failure to leave Afghanistan.

Medea Benjamin discusses the drone strikes in Pakistan.

James Kilgore discusses the massive fraud of a security company.

Chris Steele interviews Noam Chomsky.

David Rosen discusses the mainstreaming of sexual fetishes or “perversions”.

Rick Perlstein discusses whether JFK would have withdrawn from Vietnam.

James K. Galbraith discusses whether JFK would have withdrawn from Vietnam too.

An excerpt from a book on meth use among suburban women by Miriam Boeri.

Afghan Youth Peace Volunteers and Hakim discuss opposition to U.S. military bases.

Ryan Calhoun discusses the Kennedy assassination.

Carlos Clemente discusses patriarchy in Venezuela.

Link to the video of Nathan Goodman’s presentation at the Genderevolution conference.

Conor Friedersof discusses the likelihood of America torturing again.

Darryl W Perry discusses the myth of the hero cop.

Game five of the World Chess Championship.

Game six of the World Chess Championship.

Jason Lee Byas On The El Paso Liberty Hour

C4SS Fellow, Jason Lee Byas, joins the podcast team of Rachel, Eamon, and Mark of the The El Paso Liberty Hour. They discuss Market Anarchy, the Center for a Stateless Society and the Anarchist movement within Libertarianism.

 

The Weekly Libertarian Leftist and Chess Review 5

Review number five is upon us! Let’s begin.

Ashley Smith discusses the imperial roots of sectarian violence in Iraq.

Horace G. Campbell discusses counter-terrorism and imperial hypocrisy.

Daniel White offers us some notes on the American Empire.

Sheldon Richman discusses the urgency of stopping war with Iran.

Dave Lindorff discusses the question of whether security or freedom is more important.

Prashanth Kamalakanthan discusses Ann Jones new book titled They Were Soldiers: How the Wounded Return from America’s Wars — Untold Wars.

Lynn Stuart Parrmore discusses the anarchist labeling of her mother.

Jason Lee Byas has four questions for Amia Srinivasan.

Thoughts on torture by Ximena Ortiz.

Ed Pilkington discusses how more than 3,000 non-violent offenders are imprisoned for life.

Joseph R. Stromberg reviews the book, Coolidge.

Deepa Kumar and Arun Kundnani discuss the TV show Homeland and its provision of support for the national security state.

Justin Doolittle requests that people stop thanking the troops for him.

Sheldon Richman discusses the universalist philosophy of libertarianism.

Ryan Calhoun discusses the relaunch of the Silk Road.

Jenny Brown discusses a rank and file labor victory at Boeing.

Brian Cloughley discusses the deaths from drones in Pakistan.

Jodie Gummow discusses the complicity of Pepsi Co. and Coca-Cola in land clearances.

Medea Benjamin discusses how drone victims are showing up in D.C. to tell their stories.

Kevin Carson discusses the fraud of so called “free trade” agreements.

Kevin Carson talks about an op-ed defending Obama.

James North discusses the fighting unions of Bangladesh.

Majorie Cohn reports on the drone summit.

Bill Quigley writes about representing New Orleans immigrant workers.

Bill Berkowtiz discusses the doctors that engaged in torture.

Kenan Malik discusses the issue of veil.

Kenan Malik discusses an incident involving immigrants.

Justin Raimondo discusses the new “withdrawal” plan for Afghanistan.

We end with the third and fourth games of the now ended World Chess Championship:

Magnus Carlsen vs Viswanathan Anand.

Viswanathan Anand vs Magnus Carlsen.

Rape Culture, Transphobia and How Communities Can Resist

C4SS Senior Fellow and Lysander Spooner Research ScholarNathan Goodman, gives a fantastic presentation on rape culture, transphobia and strategies for resistance for the Genderevolution Conference in Salt Lake City, Utah.

Roderick T. Long’s Corporations vs. The Market or Whip Conflation Now!

From the Markets Not Capitalism audiobook read by C4SS fellow Stephanie Murphy.

C4SS, TPP And RT

C4SS Senior Fellow and Lysander Spooner Research Scholar, Nathan Goodman, took part in and represented C4SS on the Salt Lake City, Utah, Trans-Pacific Partnership Welcoming Committee coalition and protest.

Salt Lake Residents Resist the Trans-Pacific Partnership!

Salt Lake City, UT November 19, 2013

Delegations from twelve national governments are meeting this week at Grand America Hotel in Salt Lake City to negotiate the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), a trade agreement shrouded in secrecy designed to benefit multinational corporations. Activists and concerned citizens are planning actions throughout Salt Lake City to educate the public about the trade agreement and to protest the negotiations.

Citizens, journalists, activists and even members of Congress have been denied access to the agreement’s text, while representatives from multinational corporations have played a key role in the drafting process. This utter lack of transparency continues into the Salt Lake meetings, that were not disclosed to the public until very recently, and which journalists and community members will not be allowed to attend.

In spite of this short notice, the community has mobilized the TPP Welcoming Committee. On Tuesday at 10:30 a.m., these activists will hold an action at the Bureau of Land Management offices at 440 W. 200 S., to protest the selling off of our public lands to corporate interests. From there, they will march to a larger protest at Grand America Hotel, where organizers will speak out about the major problems of this trade pact and comment on actions that need to occur to halt this agreement which, if passed, will have pervasive negative effects on citizens of all signatory countries. On Tuesday night at 6 p.m., the TPP Welcoming Committee will hold a teach-in at the Utah Pride Center, 255 E. 400 S., to explain the impact the treaty will have on medical access, internet freedom, climate justice, labor rights and many other important issues. This will be followed by a creative nighttime light action at 8 p.m. outside Grand America Hotel, pulling the TPP out of the shadows and into public scrutiny.

Organizations like WikiLeaks have been able to obtain and release to the public only a small portion of the provisions of this secret agreement. They have exposed that the agreement expands copyright and patent monopolies, with alarming consequences. It enables pharmaceutical companies, for example, to use patents to substantially increase the costs of many drugs and therefore deprive people around the world of lifesaving medicine. The current draft of the agreement contains many of the same copyright provisions and controversial internet censorship powers previously contained in the Stop Online Piracy Act and the Protect IP Act, overwhelmingly opposed by the U.S. populace.

In addition, the TPP would create international tribunals in which corporations could sue governments to overturn sovereign laws and extract vital resources from taxpayers and communities. These courts, completely outside U.S. jurisdiction, would expand corporate power while undermining national sovereignty and local control.

The TPP and the secretive negotiations undermine free speech, further entrench corporate rule, deny people around the world lifesaving medicines and erode national sovereignty.The agreement is yet another example of the corrupting influence of money in our political process. Accordingly, those involved in the negotiations will face significant opposition and dissent from the TPP Welcoming Committee and other concerned citizens.

The TPP Welcoming Committee is a coalition of individuals and organizations including Backbone Campaign, Sole de Utah, Utah Tar Sands Resistance, the Justice Party, Center for a Stateless Society, Popular Resistance, Occupy.com, Washington Fair Trade Coalition, HESA-Heterodox Economics Student Association at the University of Utah, and March Against Monsanto.

Press release: Defense Fund Launched for Ross Ulbricht, Accused Silk Road Marketplace Operator

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

Defense Fund Launched for Ross Ulbricht, Accused Silk Road Marketplace Operator

New York, NY, November 20, 2013 – The family of the man accused by the US government of operating the Silk Road online marketplace has launched a fund for donations to their son’s legal defense.

Ross Ulbricht, 29, was arrested on October 1st and charged with creating and operating the web marketplace Silk Road, under the pseudonym “Dread Pirate Roberts”. The allegations include a variety of conspiracies, including narcotics trafficking, computer hacking and money laundering, as well as planned acts of violence. Ulbricht denied all charges in federal court in San Francisco in October. He will appear at a bail hearing at the United States District Court, Southern District of New York at 11:00 am EST on Thursday, November 21.

On their website, the Ulbricht family states: “Our goal is to provide Ross with what every American citizen is promised: a fair trial. In the USA we are presumed innocent until proven guilty beyond a reasonable doubt. We firmly believe in Ross’s innocence and are working hard with the best legal team to prove it.”

The family has retained New York-based attorney Joshua L. Dratel to defend their son in court. Mr. Dratel stated: “It is crucial that we have a level playing field for defending Ross, and that requires resources from the communities that support him.”

The Ross Ulbricht Legal Defense Fund LLC is a Wyoming-based corporation established by the Ulbricht family. All donations are used solely to pay attorney fees, fund accounting fees and ancillary legal expenses.

###

SOURCE: Ross Ulbricht Legal Defense Fund LLC, www.freeross.org

CONTACTS:

Joshua L. Dratel
Joshua L. Dratel, P.C.
29 Broadway, Suite 1412
New York, New York 10006
United States of America
jdratel@joshuadratel.com
Office: +1 212 732 0707
Fax: +1 212 571 3792
www.nycriminallawfirm.com

Ross Ulbricht Legal Defense Fund LLC
www.freeross.org
freerossulbricht@gmail.com

Transgender Day of Remembrance 2013

Today marks Transgender Day of Remembrance. On this day, transgender and gender non-conforming people join with our allies to mourn and memorialize the transgender and gender non-conforming people who have been killed for who they are.  There’s a lot at stake here. Trans* people, particularly transgender women of color, face horrendous bigotry, violence, and murder.  According to a 2011 study by the National Coalition of Anti-Violence Programs, 50% of LGBT individuals murdered in 2009 were trans women and 44% of LGBT individuals murdered in 2010 were trans women. This year, the Transgender Murder Monitoring project identified 238 reported cases of murdered trans* people around the world since November 20, 2012.

The consequences of this violence are disastrous for individual liberty. This violence and bigotry makes trans* people afraid to express their gender identities. It makes us afraid to walk in certain places and times. Freedom of expression, freedom of movement, and gender self-determination are jeopardized by violence, bigotry, harassment, and murder.

Rather than protecting people from these crimes, the police and prison systems all too often perpetrate them. In October, a drag performer in Texas was tased by cops and died shortly after. CeCe McDonald still languishes in prison for surviving a hate crime in which her racist and transphobic attacker died. The state’s criminal justice system all too often incarcerates trans* and gender non-conforming people for defending themselves from violence.  A 2011 report found that 29% of trans* people had experienced police harassment and abuse. Is it any wonder that 46% said they “were uncomfortable seeking police assistance”?  In the struggle against gender violence and abuse, the state is not an institution we can rely on for help.  It is damage we must route around.

I hope you will take some time tonight to find a Transgender Day of Remembrance event in your community. Please take some time today to mourn the many trans* folks, especially trans women of color, who have been murdered. Trans* lives matter. Violence matters. Freedom of movement, gender expression, and gender self determination matter. Today let’s mourn our dead; tomorrow let’s fight for the living.

Nathan Goodman on the Bad Quaker Podcast

This week I had the great pleasure of talking with Ben Stone, the Bad Quaker, about a wide range of important topics. We discussed left-libertarianism, the IP attacks against C4SS from earlier this fall, the symbiotic relationship between corporations and government, the dangers of bigotry, and much more. The podcast can be found here.

Four Questions for Amia Srinivasan

Amia Srinivasan has four questions for free-market moralists, specifically those who accept something like a Nozickian account of individual rights. My own take is more Rothbardian than Nozickian, but that still seems close enough to give her four answers, and to ask four questions in return about the assumptions that underlie her essay.

Amia begins by asking:

1. Is any exchange between two people in the absence of direct physical compulsion by one party against the other (or the threat thereof) necessarily free?

This largely depends on how we’re defining “free.” There certainly can be (and are) large discrepancies in social power that might not necessarily involve the direct use of force or fraud. Those discrepancies are  often very socially destructive, and it is legitimate to say that people on the wrong end of that kind of situation aren’t “free” in some broad (but important) sense of the word.

However, it’s not clear why acknowledging this would pose a threat to libertarianism. Libertarians can believe that people should always work to maximize “freedom” in its broad sense while also believing that it is always wrong to violate it in its strict sense. And, indeed, plenty of radical libertarians and free marketeers have explicitly tied their defense of freedom in the strict sense to the importance of freedom in the broad sense.

So here’s the first counter-question:

1. Do government interventions typically shrink or expand existing inequalities of social power?

Toward the beginning of her column, Srinivasan notes a couple examples of moral defenses of social inequality on free-market grounds. Yet despite the assumptions of both Srinivasan and the defenders of inequality she cites, a moral defense of voluntary exchange can’t be used to defend many of the inequalities we see in the world today.

As Srinivasan herself has noted elsewhere, the wealthy are considerably more dependent on government than the rest of us. This makes sense, given that they’re the ones most likely to have significant influence over public policy.

Even those laws and programs ostensibly designed to help the poor typically work to entrench the social position of the already wealthy. Sometimes this is through less obvious benefits, and sometimes this is by making the exploited complacent enough to not revolt.

If Srinivasan agrees with what seems like the logical conclusion of her earlier column about the rich and government dependency, it seems like the logical conclusion is that government usually works to strengthen existing inequalities. If that’s true, the drive toward freedom in that broader sense is an argument for free markets, not against them.

It’s hard to see how social inequality could be made worse by taking power away from an institution that’s engaged in massive land theft, killed serious attempts at labor organizing, regulated away alternatives to the life-draining workplace of the modern world, and just generally worked to keep the poor poor and the rich rich.

Considering the amount of violence it took to build existing relations of social power, rights-based libertarians (including Nozickians) are in an especially good place to tackle these problems. This is because they can remind us that property that’s been verifiably stolen is ripe for expropriation by anyone else willing to put it into productive use.

Next, Srinivasan asks:

2. Is any free (not physically compelled) exchange morally permissible?

No, definitely not. I don’t know who Srinivasan thinks disagrees with this, though. The idea that libertarians believe non-aggression is the only important moral principle is a common strawman, but it’s almost never something any libertarian actually advocates. So the only way this is a mark against libertarianism is if you assume a 1:1 correlation between what’s morally impermissible and what ought to be legally impermissible. So, to Srinivasan I ask:

2. Should everything morally impermissible also be legally impermissible?

Srinivasan and other anti-libertarians will probably agree that the answer is no. If that’s the case, there needs to be some standard for how we do determine what should or shouldn’t be illegal.

One natural inclination might be to fall back on a libertarian standard, that invasions against people’s rights are what ought to be illegal. An alternative might be to say that the law’s violence should be used or not used according to the seriousness of a moral wrong.

This alternative test would go sharply against common sense morality, though. For example, most of us would probably agree that under normal circumstances, adultery is worse than petty theft or minor vandalism. And yet most of us would also probably agree that adultery should stay completely legal, and that petty theft and minor vandalism should remain illegal.

3. Do people deserve all they are able, and only what they are able, to get through free exchange?

No. Following what I said after the second question, that’s not a mark against libertarianism. Following what I said after the first question, allowing government intervention is more likely to allocate resources according to what keeps the rich rich and the poor poor, not according to who deserves what.

There’s another problem here, though:

3. Is there a good way of using government to dependably discover and enforce desert?

Governments are made up of human beings, no wiser, no more omniscient, and with no more well-tuned of a moral sense than their citizens. Given how removed they are from people living under their supervision, governments do a poor job of actually doling out the right kind of help at the right time.

One useful way of at least getting people what they want while also taking everyone else’s wants into consideration is letting them interact freely through markets. This is because prices carry much more information than any particular participant will (or can) ever actually know, and often important information about people’s needs that can only be discovered through actual market exchange.

If we want to talk about resolving people’s needs beyond just what they can get through commerce, libertarians also have a better answer to that than government activity.

I don’t think anyone has to be reminded how much better that private charities performed than governments after Hurricane Katrina. What they might be interested to know is that even more effective than top-down private charities were efforts based around grassroots mutual aid.

These came both from local churches and loose-knit organizations like the Common Ground Collective, who took the time to actually find out what people needed, rather than just assuming.

Similarly, we can remember the fraternal societies of the past, which knew their members closely enough to actually get them real help in an efficient way, without subjecting them to the dehumanizing paternalism that many recipients of government aid feel today. Any feasible social safety net will need to be genuinely social, by which I mean completely disconnected from government.

So if you prefer that people get more of what they need or deserve, the right response is to have government step away to let the people operate on the knowledge they actually have. If you prefer that people don’t get what they don’t deserve, you should make sure they can’t use government to get it.

4. Are people under no obligation to do anything they don’t freely want to do or freely commit themselves to doing?

Of course not. However, as we’ve discussed, that doesn’t mean that there should be any legal obligations outside of respecting individual rights. Even if there were, government wouldn’t be an effective way to discover or enforce those obligations. Rather than enforcing those sorts of obligations, interventions would likely work to help already socially powerful people avoid their own obligations.

Just for the sake of argument, let’s ignore everything else I’ve said here. There’s still one more question worth asking:

4. Are people morally equal?

Srinivasan surely agrees that they are. If she does, though, her assumptions about the ability to violently enforce people’s moral obligations don’t get her where she wants.

If she’s right about everything else but agrees that people are morally equal, this just gives everyone a right to violently enforce everyone else’s moral duties. It doesn’t give one group of a people a right to hoard that privilege for themselves.

In order to even establish a government, she has to show us how the group of people who operate the government win their preferential moral status. Here I step away from her intended target, Robert Nozick, but at least he acknowledged the prima facie problem of political authority, and bent over backwards trying to solve it.

Srinivasan claims that someone can’t make a hardline moral defense of the free market (or of an absolutist position in favor of libertarian rights) without taking some very counter-intuitive positions on all four of her questions. But this is only true, I’ve tried to show, if you assume some other, even more counter-intuitive answers to the questions I’ve raised.

The Weekly Libertarian Leftist and Chess Review 4

Welcome to the fourth review! Let’s get started.

First up are the usual pieces on foreign policy and militarism:

Daniel R. Mahanty discusses how realists can also champion human rights.

David Swanson discusses the visit to the White House of a Taliban victim and drone strikes.

Patrick Cockburn discusses the victims of war in Iraq.

Joy Gordon discusses the effects of sanctions on Iran.

Binoy Kampark discusses the death to peace efforts via drone strike.

Giuliano Battiston discusses demands for accountability by Afghans.

Juan Cole discusses U.S. genocide in Iraq.

Geoffrey Mcdonald on Egypt and U.S. policy.

Kelly Vlahos discusses the Washington silence on Iraq.

Walter B. Jones discusses the Afghan War.

Jonathan Carp discusses why the draft never stopped a war.

Revelations of NSA involvement in the targeted killing program by Greg Miller, Julie Tate, and Barton Gellman.

Bruce Fein discusses the U.S. master race theory.

William Astore tells us what war is good for.

Civil liberties is the next topic:

Andrew Smolski discusses the liberal legal framework and the NSA spying program.

Ivan Eland discusses the NSA snooping.

Richard Norton-Taylor and Ian Cobain discuss reasons not to believe national security is being threatened by leaks.

Jesselyn Radack on NSA collection of email address books.

Amy Davidson discusses journalists being treated as traitors.

Onward to a brief detour into environmental politics!

Juan Cole discusses ten climate change threats being ignored by the mainstream media.

A second brief detour into the politics of nationalism:

Interview with Jonathan Cook by Joseph Cotto on Israel.

And some misc. pieces follow:

Interview with Tariq Ali.

Sheldon Richman discusses problems with the ACA.

David S. D ‘Amato discusses the War on Drugs.

Conor Friedersdorf discusses post 9-11 policy.

A piece on Stephen Kinzer’s new book on the Dulles brothers.

Obama sure is good at killing people!

Book review of a new text on Israel.

We end with the first two games from the ongoing World Chess Championship:

Magnus Carlsen vs Viswanathan Anand.

Viswanathan Anand vs Magnus Carlsen.

Some Thoughts on the Distinction Between “Economic Freedom” and “Social Freedom”

After watching a couple of people I know argue about whether “economic freedom” or “social freedom” was more important, I had the typical libertarian reaction: That’s a meaningless question, they’re the same thing. All transactions are “economic” in an important sense, and all relationships between people are “social.” To violently repress any non-invasive action is to limit someone’s economic opportunities, and doing that tends to put people in a socially subordinate position.

Then it struck me that there’s another problem with that dichotomy that left-libertarians in particular are in a good place to point out, and it has to do with popular ideological assumptions about whose “economic freedoms” are most often violated.

For most people, the archetypal examples of something that violates “economic freedoms” typically involve repressing a wealthier or otherwise more generally privileged person, and their archetypal examples of something that violates “social freedoms” typically involve repressing a poorer or otherwise more generally oppressed person. When you control for that, it becomes a lot harder to distinguish between what’s a restriction on “economic freedom” and what’s a restriction on “social freedom.”

For example, consider labor laws that harm serious, wildcat unionizing. Are those restrictions on “economic freedom” or “social freedom?” What about holding vast amounts of completely untouched land? Vagrancy laws? Zoning (especially regulations regarding non-related people sharing a house)? Eminent domain? Occupational licensing? Drug laws? Prohibitions on sex work? Immigration laws? The general regulatory web that prevents a resurgence of mutual aid societies?

It’s definitely not clear to me, and I think that shows the purpose this distinction really serves.

Dark Wallet and Entrepreneurial Anti-Capitalism

“Virtually everything about these people’s livelihoods, social organization, ideologies, and (more controversially) even their largely oral cultures, can be read as strategic positionings designed to keep the state at arm’s length. …

The huge literature on state-making, contemporary and historic, pays virtually no attention to its obverse: the history of deliberate and reactive statelessness. This is the history of those who got away, and the state-making cannot be understood apart from it.” —James C. Scott, The Art of Not Being Governed.

There are many projects that have been developed throughout the past several decades that, if not created by market anarchists, have been immediately recognized by market anarchists as expressions of our dissolution strategy against that personal-cultural-structural damage known as the state – our enemy.

Open-Source Insurgency [PDF] – making centralized or authoritarian governance impossible. Free Open-Source Software – Debian; PGP Encryption Systems and The Tor Project – Wikileaks, Silk Road and Anonymous; Peer-to-peer File Sharing – BitTorrent, The Pirate Bay, BitCoin.

Homebrew Industrial Revolutions – making centralized or authoritarian production irrelevant. Asynchronous Collaborative Editing – Wikipedia, MOOC; Networked Manufacturing – 100k Garages, Fab Labs; CNC Production and 3-D Printing – Open-Source Ecology, Hackerspaces; DIY science and food production – Wetlabs, Aquaponics; Crowd Sourced Fundraising and Support – The Common Ground Collective, Indiegogo, Occupy Sandy.

Kevin Carson nicely sums up our approach:

Our goal is not to assume leadership of existing institutions, but rather to render them irrelevant. We don’t want to take over the state or change its policies. We want to render its laws unenforceable. We don’t want to take over corporations and make them more ‘socially responsible.’ We want to build a counter-economy of open-source information, neighborhood garage manufacturing, Permaculture, encrypted currency and mutual banks, leaving the corporations to die on the vine along with the state.

We do not hope to reform the existing order. We intend to serve as its grave-diggers.”

Today we have Defense Distributed‘s Liberator. Tomorrow we will have UnSystem‘s Dark Wallet. Two projects that integrate the dissolutionary powers of impossibility and irrelevance.

Dark Wallet will be one of the many shovels available to us to ease and hasten our fossarian desires. It is A Line In The Sand – Just In Time For Our Disappearance.

The Center for a Stateless Society is excited to donate to and support the Dark Wallet project. We would also like to introduce our supporters to a new project of our own.

A couple of months ago C4SS received a 100 bitcoin donation back when bitcoin was trading around $124. Now bitcoin is trading around $200. The C4SS workgroup debated on what to do with all that bitcoin. The first suggestions were to donate the lion’s share to established projects that were in line with our interests and aspirations like the EFF, the IWW General Defense Fund and Work People’s College, the P2P Foundation and Chelsea Manning’s Canteen Fund.

Then it was decided that, even though these organizations and projects are near and dear to our hearts, there are still more projects out there – eager, waiting, dreaming. Projects where enthusiasm outstrips resources. Where a $200 donation is the difference between a nascent anarchist infoshop in Alabama or Egypt closing its doors or expanding its operations.

We want the resiliency and the information found in the stigmergic swarm of projects and people doing new things. We want to challenge established groups to up their game and break their preconceived limits by offering them competition. The state is digging in and doubling down on total surveillance and prison economies. We need preemption, dislocation and disruption – now! We want virtualization, repetition and coopetition – now! We are dedicated to finding the cracks in the state’s system, wedging them open, freeing all prisoners and pulverizing the foundations.

We are calling this project: Entrepreneurial Anti-Capitalism.

We will be blogging about the projects we support as they come to our attention. We are reaching out through a number of networks to try to get an idea of what is out there or who is getting ready to start a project. If you know of a project, let us know. If you want to donate to the Entrepreneurial Anti-Capitalism project, let us know.

In the meantime, please, support Dark Wallet today and grab a shovel.

Kochs And Keystone: A Follow Up

The following note is a response to some objections to: Real Libertarians Don’t Shill For The Kochs.

This article, “No Reason, Just Hate: That’s A Modern Liberal,” denies that the Kochs are major players in Alberta tar sands extraction and claims they stand to lose money if the project opens their U.S. oil interests to competition.

Whether or not that is so, it does not alter the facts that the Kochs support the Keystone project, or that the project is feasible only with massive land theft via eminent domain and regulatory preemption of common law liability for polluters. Whether or not the Kochs tip their hat to condemning eminent domain in principle, the fact remains that a project like Keystone is as closely tied to the state and its land thefts as were, say, the land grant railroads. So the Kochs’ defense is a bit like Lincoln’s Jesuit who, accused of killing ten men and a dog, triumphantly produced the dog in court.

Suggestions that alleging Koch financial interests in the project entail making it “all about the Kochs,” or that opposition to the project comes only from “liberals,” are strawman attacks. There are plenty of principled REASONS for free market advocates to oppose a corporatist project like Keystone without “liberals” ever coming into the picture.

So Close …

If you check out the C4SS “press room,” you’ll see that in October we came within one “pickup” of hitting the 900 mark.

Our goal was to hit 1,000 by the end of the year. That looks kind of unlikely, but with 28 pickups in October, we’re doing better than the “one pickup per weekday” goal we’ve been trying to meet as a matter of course, and we’re getting ready to raise that goal.

Among the October pickups, you’ll see some publications running C4SS material for the first time — Nguoi Viet Daily News (the largest Vietnamese newspaper in the United States), and two sister Georgia newspapers, the Marietta Daily Journal and the Cherokee Tribune.

As always, thanks to our supporters for making this continued progress possible!

 

Five Answers to Four Questions For “Free-Market Moralists”

On October 20th, Amia Srinivasan, proffered four questions for anyone dependent on a technical language of free(d) markets. C4SS Senior Fellow, Charles Johnson, has five answers for her:

The Nozickian outlook is often represented as moral common sense. But is it? Here I pose four questions for anyone inclined to accept Nozick’s argument that a just society is simply one in which the free market operates unfettered. Each question targets one of the premises or implications of Nozick’s argument. If you’re going to buy Nozick’s argument, you must say yes to all four. But doing so isn’t as easy as it might first appear.

A0. I think the interpretation of what “Nozickian” means is largely wrong, and the suggestion that mainstream political discourse involves much of anything at all which is either Rawlsian or Nozickian, either in method or in content, is frankly pretty loopy and a desperate grasp at far more intellectual significance than will ever actually be found in mainstream political discourse.

Q1. Is any exchange between two people in the absence of direct physical compulsion by one party against the other (or the threat thereof) necessarily free?

A1. In one sense sure, in another sense, no.

I’m not much interested in arguing over lexicography; but I will say that the sense of “free” in which all such transactions are “free” is a perfectly legitimate and coherent one; and it is ethically relevant to determining what kinds of individual or social means could possibly be appropriate in responding to a given transaction.

Q2. Is any free (not physically compelled) exchange morally permissible?

A2. No, of course not.

Hardly anyone believes this; certainly not Nozick. But of course calling something “morally impermissible” means that it’s immoral to do it. It doesn’t mean that it’s moral for a third party to prohibit it, and I fear that there may be a really crude equivocation between the notion of moral “permissibility” and the notion of legal *permission* lurking in the wings.

Q3. Do people deserve all they are able, and only what they are able, to get through free exchange?

A3. No.

But so what? Ownership is not, in my view, mainly a matter of desert. People deserve all kinds of things that they aren’t morally entitled to take, and people often deserve less than what they own. Maybe the best case for individual property rights derives from some kind of connection between labor and exchange, on the one hand, and desert, on the other; I’m not convinced of this, but if it’s true, it still wouldn’t follow that there’s a simple equivalence between what you deserve and what you’re entitled to own.

Q4. Are people under no obligation to do anything they don’t freely want to do or freely commit themselves to doing?

A4. “Obligation” is ambiguous. People have lots of non-consensual moral obligations above and beyond respect for individual rights. I don’t think they have any enforceable legal obligations above and beyond respect for individual rights. Certainly if the idea is supposed to be that there are no moral obligations above and beyond respect for individual rights, then this is a travesty against Nozick’s view — the point is specifically that individual rights are supposed to be side constraints on morally permissible action; not that they determine the whole content of morality. If on the other hand the claim is that *since* saving the drowning man may be morally obligatory, it may also (therefore) be made legally obligatory, then of course that would be trying to sneak in a pretty big argumentative move through the back door.

Anarchy and Democracy
Fighting Fascism
Markets Not Capitalism
The Anatomy of Escape
Organization Theory