STIGMERGY: The C4SS Blog
Introducing The New Leveller!
The-New-Leveller-masthead

Very soon, S4SS will begin issuing its monthly newsletter, The New Leveller. It will be a running discussion devoted to radical libertarian and individualist anarchist thought, and, drawing off of nineteenth-century periodicals like Benjamin Tucker’s Liberty and Moses Harmon’s Lucifer, the Lightbearer, it will feature plenty of fire. The primary purpose of the New Leveller is to provide another voice for the most radical and unfiltered impulses in market anarchism.

Anyone interested in either feeding the flames by contributing, or in subscribing to the newsletter so that they can watch them go higher and higher, is more than welcome to contact as at the.new.leveller@gmail.com. Submissions should range (roughly) 500-1000 words, focused on content that would either help introduce people to the ideas of individualist anarchism, develop and explore the ideas of individualist anarchism for those already familiar with it, or analyze an issue from within a framework of individualist anarchism will be welcome. Basically, anything that you think might have fit with the aforementioned periodicals, or in the earlier issues of Murray Rothbard’s Libertarian Forum. Since this is a publication of the Students for a Stateless Society, we especially welcome content from students.

Those interested in getting an idea of what to expect can read the full text of the first editorial here.

“… So why call this publication ‘The New Leveller?’ Why use a name from the 17th-century that wasn’t even liked by the group that got stuck with it?

We proudly take on the name ‘New Leveller,’ because as individualist anarchists, we are their philosophical descendants. Furthermore, even if they didn’t see it this way, there is something they were working to level, and it still needs leveling. …”

Depends On What “Corruption” Is On C4SS Media

C4SS Media presents Thomas L. Knapp‘s “Depends On What “Corruption” Is,” read by James Tuttle and edited by Nick Ford.

“We don’t need the politicians or their cronies. We don’t have to put up with them. And we should stop doing so.”

 

The Weekly Abolitionist: Media Against The Prison State

State violence thrives in the dark. This is why the state secrets privilege is so abused, it’s why the Obama administration has viciously persecuted whistleblowers, and it’s why states benefit from a  media climate where their legitimacy is assumed and radical ideas aren’t heard. So today I want to highlight some people both inside and outside prisons who are shining light on the prison state.

In Alabama, prisoners are filming each other on smuggled cell phones to tell their stories and express grievances about human rights abuses in Alabama prisons. These videos are then posted on a YouTube channel affiliated with the Free Alabama Movement. As Bay Area Intifada explains, “the prisoners speak of deplorable conditions, slave labor, prisons being a continuation of slavery and many candid stories from their lives inside and outside the cement walls of Alabama’s prisons.” The very nature of the prisoners’ non-violent disobedience tells us something about Alabama prisons. The communication mechanism they use to engage in political speech, the cell phone, is prohibited by prison officials. Only by disobeying the prison’s institutional rules can the truth about prisons be revealed. Prisons are designed to suppress communication, dissent, and the accountability that might result from openness. The Free Alabama Movement deserves the support of all who care about freedom and justice, and I’ll continue posting on their story in the coming weeks.

Outside of prison walls, I’ve been seeing prison abolitionist ideas in various media sources. Anarchist journalist Charles Davis published an excellent article at Vice that discusses prison abolition and interviews Isaac Ontiveros of Critical Resistance. The interview covers a lot of important questions about prison abolition, including what to do about violent criminals, what tactics to use right now, and the risks of reform. Critical Resistance is one of the most significant prison abolitionist groups in the world today, and it’s always excellent to see their work highlighted at a popular website like Vice.

My friend Cory Massimo also recently published a guest post at The Stag Blog offering a libertarian case for prison abolition. He argues for a system based purely on restitution rather than punishment, and contends that prisons are the wrong response even to those who have violated the rights of others. I’m glad to see prison abolitionist ideas gaining traction in libertarian circles, and I hope they will continue to gain traction.

Shining light on the prison state doesn’t just mean talking about prisons themselves. Prisons are closely related to a variety of other political issues. For example, the prison industrial complex includes immigration detention centers th tat lock up migrants for deportation. Issues like border militarization should thus be core issues for those of us concerned about the prison industrial complex. Lucy Steigerwald has a great new column at AntiWar.com called “The War at Home,” which examines how issues like immigration restrictions, policing, prisons, and surveillance interact with militarism and the warfare state. Her first column, released this week, deals with border militarization. Border militarization tramples civil liberties while lining the pockets of both war profiteers and prison profiteers. I’m glad to see the issue being addressed at AntiWar.com.

The way borders operate as part of militarism, empire, capitalism, and the prison-industrial complex is also explored in Harsha Walia’s book Undoing Border Imperialism, which I recently started reading. The book develops a theoretical framework for seeing immigration restrictions not just as a domestic policy decision, but as a structural feature of empire. Moreover, the book discusses the tactics used by a network of anti-colonial and anti-state migrant justice organizations called No One Is Illegal, which operates throughout Canada. I haven’t finished reading the book yet, but so far it’s excellent and I highly recommend it.

Today’s a good day to mention border imperialism and the framework of criminalization that sustains it, because a major act of civil disobedience against the state’s borders happened today. Over 100 families attempted border crossings today at the Otay Mesa point of entry, demanding asylum so they could reunite with their families. These sorts of actions highlight the way the state’s borders, imposed through conquest and enforced through militarized violence, break apart the families, communities, and other peaceful forms of voluntary association that build a truly robust society.

These are just a few examples of the ongoing action, thought, and media happening lately to challenge the prison-industrial complex, the empire, and other mutually reinforcing systems of state violence. Let’s keep up these fights for freedom, until the state’s violence ends.

The Weekly Libertarian Leftist And Chess Review 20

Dahr Jamail discusses the civilian deaths caused by the Iraqi government siege of Fallujah.

John B. Judis reviews Maximalist: America in the World from Truman to Obama.

Brittney Wheeler discusses why liberty doesn’t need politics.

The LA Times editorial board discusses why the embargo on Cuba should be ended.

Karen J. Greenberg discusses 5 issues on which Obama is like George W. Bush.

George H. Smith discusses the study of liberty.

Dave Lindorff discusses how Americans could demand the ouster of the current government.

Alex Kane discusses U.S. meddling in the Syrian civil war.

Conor Friedersdorf discusses extrajudicial killings and the constitution.

Ivan Eland discusses North Korean human rights abuses.

Ajamu Baraka discusses the latest calls for war with Syria.

Sheldon Richman discusses how we can oppose bigotry while still rejecting politicians.

Ahmed Benchemsi discusses the tyranny of the Moroccan state.

Andrew Levine discusses what the U.S. will do without Al-Qaeda to justify war.

Wendy McElroy discusses how to live the good life.

Wendy McElroy discusses whether to steal or not.

Wendy McElroy discusses the virtue of self-interest.

Justin Doolittle discusses the selective concern of the U.S. government for human rights.

Uri Avnery discusses a film about Nazi Germany.

Peter Z. Scheer discusses corporate welfare.

Thaddueus Russell discusses labor corporatism.

Glen Ford discusses Obama’s war on civilization.

Z. Fareen Parvez discusses the Panjawi massacre.

Ehab Zahriyeh discusses a film set in Palestine called Omar.

John Stanton discusses the potential for a world war.

Graham Peebles discusses Ethiopian persecution of people.

Chris Ernesto discusses the U.S. siding with fascists and terrorists in 3 countries.

Jeffrey Sommers discusses discusses the Ukraine issue.

Informe del Coordinador de Medios Hispanos

Estas son las reproducciones de nuestros artículos de opinión que logré detectar durante el mes de febrero:

El Librepensador de España publicó mi “Noam Chomsky, Deslumbrado por el Espectáculo Bolivariano“, así como ““, de Kevin Carson, y “El Estado Respeta la Libertad de Prensa Siempre y Cuando No la Perciba como una Amenaza“, de Tom Knapp.

Esos tres artículos, más “Ser Estatista, Ser Revolucionario” de Erick Vasconcelos, fueron reproducidos por Before It’s News.

Mi artículo sobre Chomsky y la revolución bolivariana también fue reproducido por El Ojo Digital, un sitio web de análisis geopolítico y económico basado en Buenos Aires, Argentina, y por el blog del periódico anarquista venezolano El Libertario.

Aunque las reproducciones de artículos no crecieron en comparación con diciembre del 2013 o enero de este año, es alentador ver que la gente que reproduce nuestro trabajo lo hace consistentemente mes a mes, y por supuesto, siempre es bueno ver un nuevo medio interesado en nuestro trabajo, como es el caso de El Ojo Digital.

Todavía estoy trabajando en hacer crecer mi lista de contactos en periódicos a nivel regional, pero tengo la seguridad de que llegaremos durante marzo.

¡Apoya a C4SS!

¡Salud!

Spanish Media Coordinator Update

Here are the pickups we’ve had during February 2014 in the Spanish-lang media space:

El Librepensador from Spain picked up the Spanish version of my own “Noam Chosky: Mesmerized by the Bolivarian Spectacle,” as well as the translations for Kevin Carson’s “If You’re Reading This, You’re Probably a Terrorist,” and Tom Knapp’s “Press Freedom’s Just Another Word For The State Doesn’t Perceive A Threat.”

Those three translations, plus the one for Erick Vasconcelos’ “Being Statist, Being Revolutionary,” were picked up by Before It’s News.

My article on Chomsky and the Bolivarian revolution was also picked up by El Ojo Digital, an independent geopolitical and economic analysis website based in Buenos Aires, Argentina, as well as by the blog of Venezuelan anarchist newspaper El Libertario.

Pickups during February didn’t grow compared to December and January, but it is good to see that the people re-printing our work keep doing it consistently every month, and of course, it is always good to see a new addition like El Ojo Digital this month.

I am still working on getting my media contact list to 100 high-quaility mainstream newspapers distributed throughout the Spanish-speaking world, but I am confident we will reach that number during March.

Support a C4SS!

¡Salud!

Rational Emotive Behavioral Therapy And Left-libertarianism.

Left-libertarians need a psychological theory and practice to augment their philosophical framework. Rational Emotive Behavioral Therapy (REBT) represents a good choice for left-libertarians, because it emphasizes individuality and social interest. It was formulated and begun by the psychologist, Albert Ellis. The central idea of it is that our beliefs about things that happen to us are a major cause of our emotions and behaviors. The solution to emotional disturbance partly revolves around challenging irrational beliefs.

He presents an ABC format for conceptualizing human disturbances. A stands for activating event, B stands for belief(s), and C stands for emotional or behavioral consequences. This is usually expanded into an ABCDEF format with D standing for disputing, E standing for effective new thinking, and F standing for new feeling or behavior. The client works within this framework to reduce irrational beliefs. I have found it very helpful.

What is the connection to left-libertarianism? It lies in the individualistic emphasis on you as the creator of your own emotional destiny. You can choose to feel what you want to feel through the beliefs you adopt. It also includes healthy relationships as a goal. This ties into the mutual aid aspects of left-libertarianism.

Responsibility is not foisted upon others in this system of psychotherapy. The work required to get better has to be done by you. It encourages self-discovery and direction. The kind of discovery and direction promoted within libertarian thought. It’s an optimal system for libertarian minded folk.

A left-libertarian psychotherapy is an integral part of a comprehensive perspective on the world. One that covers the many facets of the human experience. If we have nothing to offer in this area; the prevailing psychology of most people in society will continue to be deferential towards authority. REBT encourages people to stand on their own two feet.

I am not a trained psychologist, so I don’t want to offer any mental health advice. I can only point the reader in the direction of competent REBT therapists like Dr. Michael Edelstein of threeminutetherapy.com. His book, Three Minute Therapy: Change Your Thinking Change Your Life, is recommended for the interested reader. Reason and Emotion in Psychotherapy is also recommended as an Albert Ellis text on the subject.

Once again; the libertarian implications of REBT are vast. If we can control our feelings through reality based thinking; we can successfully individuate ourselves in fantastically creative ways. Let’s all work towards better mental health with this revolutionary approach!

Missing Comma: Ames, ‘The Intercept’, And Ideological Purity

Journalist infighting is the most “Inside Baseball” thing I can conceive of talking about on this blog, but Mark Ames is the subject, and that’s always the signal for a good time.

His latest target is the new foreign policy analyst for The Intercept, Marcy Wheeler. In an article from Feb. 28, Ames writes that “Wheeler […] speculated that the Ukraine revolution was likely a ‘coup’ engineered by ‘deep’ forces on behalf of ‘Pax Americana’,” followed by a quote from Wheeler’s Twitter feed. This quote spurred Ames to investigate who exactly might be involved in the coup. Surprisingly – or, well, maybe not – one of the primary investors turned out to be none other than the owner and bankroller in The Intercept and First Look Media, Pierre Omidyar.

The Omidyar Network Group gave nearly $200,000 to fascist opposition groups in Ukraine in 2012, a not-unsubstantial sum of money. What confused onlookers was Ames’ insistence that Wheeler – hired less than three weeks previous – comment on the revelations.

Ames writes:

In the larger sense, this is a problem of 21st century American inequality, of life in a billionaire-dominated era. It is a problem we all have to contend with—PandoDaily’s 18-plus investors include a gaggle of Silicon Valley billionaires like Marc Andreessen (who serves on the board of eBay, chaired by Pierre Omidyar) and Peter Thiel (whose politics I’ve investigated, and described as repugnant.)

But what is more immediately alarming is what makes Omidyar different. Unlike other billionaires, Omidyar has garnered nothing but uncritical, fawning press coverage, particularly from those he has hired. By acquiring a “dream team” of what remains of independent media — Greenwald, Jeremy Scahill, Wheeler, my former partner Matt Taibbi — not to mention press “critics” like Jay Rosen — he buys both silence and fawning press.

Both are incredibly useful: Silence, an absence of journalistic curiosity about Omidyar’s activities overseas and at home, has been purchased for the price of whatever his current all-star indie cast currently costs him. As an added bonus, that same investment buys silence from exponentially larger numbers of desperately underpaid independent journalists hoping to someday be on his payroll, and the underfunded media watchdogs that survive on Omidyar Network grants.

It isn’t clear, however, that Ames is correct regarding the state of the independent media. He mentions Glenn Greenwald, who worked for two years at the Guardian before his current tenure at First Look; Jeremy Scahill, whose latest film was nominated for an Oscar; Matt Taibbi, whose work in Rolling Stone has elevated his status and visibility past “independent media” circles; and others as being examples of indy journalists.

He probably knows that not everyone who wishes to pursue a career as an “independent journalist” is looking at The Intercept with wide eyes and drooling, gaping mouths. What he seems to want to consistently ignore is that sometimes, career choices are not made with ideology in mind. I did not get a job at Walmart (briefly) because of my identification as an Anarcho-Syndicalist, for example; it stands to reason that Marcy Wheeler did not agree to her contract with First Look Media based on a fundamental agreement with the project bankroller’s ideology.

Greenwald responded to Ames in his column at The Intercept:

I think it’s perfectly valid for journalists to investigate the financial dealings of corporations and billionaires who fund media outlets, whether it be those who fund or own Pando, First Look, MSNBC, Fox News, The Washington Post or any other. And it’s certainly reasonable to have concerns and objections about the funding of organizations that are devoted to regime change in other countries: I certainly have those myself. But the Omidyar Network doesn’t exactly seem ashamed of these donations, and they definitely don’t seem to be hiding them, given that they trumpeted them in their own press releases and web pages.

[…]

Can someone please succinctly explain why this is a scandal that needs to be addressed, particularly by First Look journalists? That’s a genuine request. Wasn’t it just 72 hours ago that the widespread, mainstream view in the west (not one that I shared) was that there was a profound moral obligation to stand up and support the brave and noble Ukrainian opposition forces as they fight to be liberated from the brutal and repressive regime imposed on them by Vladimir Putin’s puppet? When did it suddenly become shameful in those same circles to support those very same opposition forces?

[…]

(3) Despite its being publicly disclosed, I was not previously aware that the Omidyar Network donated to this Ukrainian group. That’s because, prior to creating The Intercept with Laura Poitras and Jeremy Scahill, I did not research Omidyar’s political views or donations. That’s because his political views and donations are of no special interest to me – any more than I cared about the political views of the family that owns and funds Salon (about which I know literally nothing, despite having worked there for almost 6 years), or any more than I cared about the political views of those who control the Guardian Trust.

There’s a very simple reason for that: they have no effect whatsoever on my journalism or the journalism of The Intercept. That’s because we are guaranteed full editorial freedom and journalistic independence. The Omidyar Network’s political views or activities – or those of anyone else – have no effect whatsoever on what we report, how we report it, or what we say.

[…]

But for me, the issue is not – and for a long time has not been – the political views of those who fund journalism. Journalists should be judged by the journalism they produce, not by those who fund the outlets where they do it. The real issue is whether they demand and obtain editorial freedom. We have. But ultimately, the only thing that matters is the journalism we or any other media outlets produce.

Regardless of how you feel about Greenwald – and I’ve cooled down my own opinions on him as of late – the point he makes at the end of the passage above is crucial: we can quibble over who funds what, and what that means, until we’re blue in the face, but the only thing that matters is the content we produce. C4SS accepted a large Bitcoin apology/donation from a member of a no-longer-affiliated Students for a Stateless Society chapter after he engineered the temporary shutdown of our website. The money was a windfall, but we didn’t then owe it to the donator to change our editorial viewpoints to match his. And no matter how hard you try, you can’t link someone’s reporting, ideology or other personal and professional beliefs to who’s funding them just because you want to believe.

That just isn’t how anything works.

A Preview Of My Review Of Ayn Rand: The Russian Radical

Chris Matthew Sciabarra is a dear friend and fine scholar. His book, Ayn Rand: The Russian Radical, is part of a broader Dialectics and Liberty trilogy. The other two books in the series are Marx, Hayek and Utopia and Total Freedom: Towards a Dialectical Libertarianism. All three are worth checking out, but this post focuses on The Russian Radical.

The second edition is even better than the first one. It contains a new preface and three appendixes. There are also some word additions and an expanded section on foreign policy.

The new material adds to an already fantastic book. My reading of it was immensely enjoyable and intellectually enriching. Chris does a good job of showing the depth of Rand’s thought without being a slavish follower who can find no flaws. One minor quibble with the book I have is his use of the term homeland to describe the American nation-state. It evokes fascist connotations, but I know that Chris was not using it to do that. There are really no other criticisms I have to make of the book. It’s just that well put together.

The new preface gives a good explanation of Chris’s broader project of situating libertarian thought within the dialectical tradition. He mentions detractors of both left and right who disagree with his assessment of Rand as a dialectical thinker. He affirms and defends his descriptive terms in able fashion. The appendices include two essays previously published in The Journal of Ayn Rand Studies with an additional new essay directed at the Ayn Rand Institute official biographer. Chris does a good job of bringing together evidence to defend his views.

The new material on foreign policy is clearly drawn from Chris’s article titled “Understanding the Global Crisis: Reclaiming Rand’s Radical Legacy”. It makes a fine addition to an already excellent book. The material brings the book up to date and offers commentary on what Rand may have supported in post 9-11 foreign policy. It also offers us greater detail and insight into Rand’s foreign policy prescriptions. A new quotation about Soviet Russia and World War 2 is provided.

The book is substantially the same, but this is not a problem. The original greatness of the text is preserved with useful additions. It’s still split into three parts with a fascinating biographical description of Rand’s education in Soviet Russia. This is followed by a philosophical examination that concludes with a more political part. The reader is definitely encouraged to pick up a copy of this new edition.

When Killer Cops Get a Pass, There are Consequences, On C4SS Media

C4SS Media presents Thomas L. Knapp‘s “When Killer Cops Get a Pass, There are Consequences,” read by James Tuttle and edited by Nick Ford.

“The jury’s acquittal of Ramos and Cicinelli was a vote for the latter outcome. It was also a vote for continuing and escalating police lawlessness. The less the specifically guilty individuals pay for their crimes now, the more such crimes we will have, the more the generally guilty class will pay later … and the sooner that later will come.”

The Weekly Abolitionist: Robert Henry And State Sanctioned Torture

At C4SS, we recently received an action alert regarding an ongoing death penalty case in Florida. Here’s the action alert:

Robert Henry needs your help. Less than 25 days remain until Florida executes Robert using makeshift science and a cruel, untested lethal cocktail. Governor Scott has signed a death warrant and scheduled Robert’s execution for March 20th, 2014. Robert was sentenced to death in Broward County for the 1988 deaths of Janet Cox Thermidor and Phyllis Harris. Now, Robert’s family and friends, along with religious advocates, abolitionists, and activists across Florida and the U.S. are calling on Gov. Scott to STAY the execution.

Florida has recently implemented a dangerous, untested and non-FDA approved method of sedating death row inmates: Midzolam. Renowned anesthesiologists in the field have denounced the use of this new, experimental method as inhumane because it can cause the inmate to feel as if he is being buried alive.

Ohio, the only other state to use this experimental, non-anesthetic drug for its lethal injection, witnessed the horrific failure of this method in an execution just last month. The inmate, Denis Mcguire, choked to death for at least 10 minutes in an experiment that went horribly wrong.

Journalist Justin Peters has noted rolling the dice with this novel execution method is at odds with our democratic values:

Respect for the prisoner and for the process is what separates a state-sanctioned execution from a lynch mob. Justice requires patience. Vengeance values speed. By rushing to use an untested execution drug despite valid concerns about its safety and efficacy, Florida is willfully flouting this process.

Please help us save Robert from state-sanctioned torture. Take a moment to pass the message along to your friends, families, and other like-minded advocates.


__
Tell Gov. Scott to STOP Robert’s execution! Call 850-488-7146 or email: Rick.Scott@eog.myflorida.com.

Sign the petition: http://chn.ge/1fLpxSg.
Blog: www.nocruelcocktail.wordpress.com/
Twitter: @SaveRobertHenry
Facebook: www.facebook.com/SaveRobertHenryFL

All too often, torture is part of how the American state administers its death penalty. Incidents like the horrific death of Dennis McGuire in Ohio illustrate the cruelty of such methods of execution.

Moreover, cruelty and torture don’t simply occur in how the execution itself is administered. Death row itself often features cruel and torturous conditions. The Center for Constitutional Rights has lots of enlightening material on how the state tortures its victims before it kills them. The report highlights, among other abuses, pervasive use of solitary confinement. As I have repeatedly pointed out, solitary confinement is recognized as torture by voices across the political spectrum.

Beyond the torture angle, the death penalty itself is an extreme and downright creepy form of state coercion. Rather than simply killing in self defense, state agents kill someone who is subdued and confined. They meticulously plan and premeditate this killing when they have their victim in custody, and thus have already engaged in sufficient force to protect anyone the offender might harm. Thus, this extra violence cannot be defended with the same types of argument Roderick Long uses to defend some forms of incarceration.

I truly realized the morbid nature of the state and its execution tactics in 2010, when I participated in a vigil on the night that the State of Utah executed Ronnie Lee Gardner. The state of Utah used a firing squad rather than a new torture technique to kill Ronnie Lee Gardner, but it was still profoundly creepy and disturbing to watch a government leader walk out to triumphantly, coldly, and clinically tell reporters and family members that the state just killed a man. I sat with people who would never see a member of their family again, because state agents deliberately killed him for purposes of punishment.

The arguments made for the death penalty are all insufficient to justify the torture and premeditated killing it entails. The evidence for deterrence is very weak, with most criminologists saying the death penalty does not provide extra deterrence. And even if the kind of torture and premeditated killing the death penalty involves could somehow be ethically justified for dealing with murderers (and I don’t think it can be), there is substantial evidence that innocent people have been executed by the state.

Let’s end state sanctioned torture and premeditated murder. Let’s save Robert Henry, and all others the state plans to abuse in such brutal ways.

The Weekly Libertarian Leftist And Chess Review 19

Justin Raimondo discusses the censoring of Twitter by the Venezuelean government.

Greg Grandian discusses slavery.

Kelly B. Vlahos discusses the Afghan election.

Lenni Brenner discusses Zionist outreach to Nazi Germany.

Jacob Sullum discusses myths surrounding meth.

Jim Naureckas discusses media coverage of Venezuela.

Patrick Cockburn discusses the long war in Syria.

Mariame Kaba and Erica R. Meiners discusses school to prison pipeline.

Glenn Greenwald discusses the mind of the NSA director.

Vedran Vuk discusses libertarian careers.

Hossein Askari discusses neo-colonial relationships with the Gulf states.

Chris Hedges discusses the moral courage of Edward Snowden.

Adam Dick discusses the invoking of George Washington by Eric Cantor.

Bionic Mosquito discusses the U.S. greenlighting of militarized Japan.

Cory Massimino discusses prison abolition.

Alexander McCobin discusses second wave libertarianism

Stanton Peele discusses the drinking habits of George Washington.

Max Blumenthal discusses U.S. backing for neo-nazi protesters in the Ukraine.

Jesse Walker discusses media.

Nael Shama discusses Egypt.

Nicola Nasser discusses foreign aid to Egypt.

Conor Friedersdorf discusses Eric Cantor’s policy of perpetual war.

John Mcphaul discusses the training of Costa Rican police.

Radley Balko discusses the drug war profit motive.

Jesse Kline discusses the drug war quagmire.

Clark Stooksbury discusses deserting soldiers.

Murtaza Hussain discusses the arrest of someone who spoke out against drones.

Sheldon Richman discusses U.S. intervention in Ukraine.

Hafia Zangana discusses the new trade envoy to Iraq.

Garry Kasparov plays a fantastic game.

Bobby Fischer plays a fantastic game with 4 queens.

On The Worship Of Authority On C4SS Media

C4SS Media presents ‘s “On The Worship Of Authority,” read by James Tuttle and edited by Nick Ford.

“Until most people abandon their state-inculcated respect for uniformed authority, and their willingness to treat officially defined outsiders as the “other,” the Rodney King and Kelly Thomas verdicts — and uncounted such verdicts yet unnamed — will continue.”

Relatório da Coordenação de Mídias em Português: Fevereiro de 2014

Comecei de fato com meu trabalho como Coordenador de Mídia do C4SS apenas na segunda metade do mês de fevereiro. Mas, mesmo assim, creio já termos alguns resultados animadores.

Estamos publicando um texto por dia no site e, consequentemente, na página do Facebook do Centro. Em duas semanas já conseguimos mais de 100 curtidas e melhora substancial no alcance dos artigos. O Partido Libertários, que recentemente mudou seu foco e funciona como instituto, contando um website muito bem visitado e fanpage com quase 50.000 curtidas, também deve republicar nosso conteúdo com consistência, além de divulgá-lo.

O primeiro artigo veiculado desde que eu assumi o compromisso de publicar diariamente foi o que teve maior repercussão, falando sobre a Venezuela e as políticas do chavismo. O artigo foi o primeiro a ser republicado também, pelo site Epoch Times.

Assuntos de interesse local naturalmente estimulam mais as discussões. Um artigo próprio meu que falava da esquerda latino-americana e de suas reações à violência do estado venezuelano repercutiu bastante e deve ser republicado no coletivo de escritores libertários com viés de esquerda, o Mercado Popular. O Mercado Popular, inclusive, conta com mais de 3.000 curtidas no Facebook e permite que eu reposte quaisquer conteúdos do C4SS, o que eu tenho feito. Além disso, meu artigo original deverá ser publicado até o final desta semana.

Comecei recentemente a compilar uma lista de jornais e outros veículos de mídia para os quais enviarei nossos artigos e, já em março, devo ter uma lista consolidada.

Os avanços são bastante interessantes e, também no mês que vem, já devo ter completado a tradução de The Iron Fist Behind the Invisible Hand, de Kevin Carson, o que deve catapultar ainda mais nossa audiência.

Faça uma doação para o C4SS. Obrigado pelo apoio!

Portuguese Media Coordinator Update: February 2014

I actually started my work as Media Coordinator for C4SS only in the second half of February. However, I feel we already have some fairly exciting results.

We’ve been publishing an article every day on the website and on the Portuguese Facebook fanpage, and the reach has gotten progressively better. In two weeks we have over 100 “likes”. The Brazilian Libertarian Party — which has recently abandoned its hopes of being formalized as a political party and works more as organizer for activism, with a very well visited website and a fanpage with almost 50,000 likes — should be republishing and spreading our content consistently.

The first article we published since I took the responsibility of getting a piece out there every day was also the most talked about. It was Carlos Clemente’s take on Venezuela and the policies of Chavismo. It was also the first to be republished, by Epoch Times.

Local subjects are naturally more engaging. An article of my own discussing the Latin American left and its reactions to the Venezuelan state violence had good repercussion and should be republished in a collective of left-leaning libertarians I’m a part of, Mercado Popular. Mercado Popular, by the way, has over 3,000 likes on Facebook and allows me to link to whatever articles we put out on their fanpage. My first article should be republished by the end of this week.

I have also started compiling a list of newspapers and other media outlets to which I should be sending our content. In march I should have a consolidated list.

Advances are pretty significant and, also next month, I should have fully translated Kevin Carson’s The Iron Fist Behind the Invisible Hand, which should boost our audience even more.

Please donate to C4SS today. Thanks for the support!

Erick Vasconcelos
Media Coordinator
Center for a Stateless Society

Bring Back The Tactics Of The Civil Rights Movement

Several states have recently considered passing laws allowing legal discrimination against LGBT people. These laws are based on the notion of religious freedom. What is the proper left-libertarian response to these laws? The answer is advocacy of direct action. If the laws pass, we left-libertarians should engage in sit-ins analogous to what the Civil Rights Movement carried out. This could lead to the desegregation of businesses and put social pressure on owners to allow LGBT people to be served. Sheldon Richman provides us with history attesting to its usefulness:

As I’ve written elsewhere, lunch counters throughout the American south were being desegregated years before passage of the 1964 Act. How so? Through sit-ins, boycotts, and other kinds of nonviolent, nongovernmental confrontational social action. (Read moving accounts here and here.)

Sheldon provides additional evidence of the practicality of this approach in another piece:

Even earlier, during the 1950s, David Beito and Linda Royster Beito report in Black Maverick, black entrepreneur T.R.M. Howard led a boycott of national gasoline companies that forced their franchisees to allow blacks to use the restrooms from which they had long been barred.

These bills make an Orwellian use of terms like freedom. The ability to exclude people for irrational and arbitrary reasons is not an instance of liberty. Libertarians will earn the wrath of decent LGBT people everywhere without offering a solution other than state force to the problem of discrimination. We have a chance to show that our individualist principles apply to persecuted minorities as much as non-minorities. It’s not something to botch.

What about the issues of private property rights and trespass? One way to approach that question is through contextual or dialectical libertarian methodology. Private property rights are contextual and relate to occupancy or use. They are one value among others to consider in assessing the morality of an action. In the context of bigots irrationally excluding people from spaces otherwise open to the public, the value of private property rights is trumped by the need for social inclusion. This doesn’t sanction state force, but it does sanction non-violent protest. Civil Rights protesters were even entitled to use defensive force against the thugs who used violence against them for conducting sit-ins. The same would apply to contemporary LGBT protesters.

I am not saying private property rights are always trumped by other concerns. Your right to the product of your labor is not trumped by the state’s need for revenue. I am saying that morality demands trade offs sometimes. This means that some things relevant to liberty are more important than private property rights. Let us consider this as one of those instances.

Translations for this article:

 

OU S4SS Protests CIA Director John Brennan

CIA Director John Brennan paid a visit to the University of Oklahoma Wednesday night, and a contingent of Students for a Stateless Society, Young Americans for Liberty and local Young Socialists met him on their home turf. Protesters chanted, “No more drone war,” handed out fliers describing their opposition to the appearance of the so-called “patriot” on their campus, and sang Les Miserables’ “Do You Hear The People Sing” as Brennan exited the building.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tzBp8NIZ4LY

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zQ4gzkFeTOc

Response To Comments On We’re Not Conservatives: Part Two

The Libertarian Alliance blog posted my piece on why libertarians are not conservatives. It wasn’t received very well. The poster of the article argued thusly:

Note: In my view, this is a silly article. The author does to conservatism just what the more brain dead conservatives do to libertarianism – that is, to pick out one strand from a cluster of movements, and to take that as representative of the whole. There are conservative objections to war and to moral regulation. Indeed, the moral regulation of the Victorian Age was mostly brought in by “liberals” against Tory opposition. And the most prominent calls for a negotiated end to the Great War came from within the Tory aristocracy. As for point 3), there are conservative defenses of tradition that are not at all incompatible with libertarianism. I give this one out of five on the grounds that the author got her spelling right. SIG

I admit to lumping all conservatives together, but what I described has gone under the label of conservative. As for defenses of tradition being compatible with libertarianism; I disagree with this. The essence of libertarianism is individualism and individual rights. This conflicts with obedience to inherited collectivist traditional social norms. Independent judgment and reason tend to undermine traditionalism.

The conservative’s tendency to favor the preservation of established institutions will also come into conflict with the libertarian. All institutions are subject to rational examination and change in a free society. This can’t be reconciled with a conservative defense of tradition or inherited institutions. Tradition also tends to require coercion or ostracism to maintain. Both of which are tools for controlling people. This is not to say that coercion and ostracism are always unjustified, but they are preferably used for something other than the continuation of existing social norms.

Another way in which tradition and libertarianism are at odds is historical. History is replete with examples of tyranny and unfree societies. There is a dearth of relative freedom throughout history, so it’s strange to look to what has come before for inspiration.

Tradition is not favorable to liberty. It cannot substitute for a rational delineation of rights. The social norms that most human beings have embraced are simply not conducive to liberty. We error in relying on them. Murray Rothbard provides a fine conclusion to this post below:

“Come join us, come realize that to break once and for all with statism is to break once and for all with the Right-wing. We stand ready to welcome you.” ~ Murray Rothbard

Missing Comma: Informing The Public vs. The Knowledge Problem

Initial thoughts on “Informing the News”

I recently picked up a copy of Harvard journalism professor Thomas E. Patterson’s latest book, “Informing the News: The Need for Knowledge-Based Journalism.” One of the things that immediately interested me about the work was its thesis, that the cure for journalism’s current “crisis of confidence,” as Patterson refers to it, lies not in the hands of independent and citizen journalists, but in the currently-existing journalist class reinventing itself in the image of “knowledge-based journalism.”

The other thing that spurred me to buy the book was that Patterson devoted an entire chapter of this book to what he refers to as the knowledge problem. By name alone, this should be immediately familiar to anyone who reads C4SS or Austrian economics. Patterson isn’t referring to Hayek’s main thesis in his 1945 essay, “The Use of Knowledge in Society,” but that thesis does shine through in areas.

“Journalists are asked to make too many judgments under conditions of too little time and too much uncertainty for the news to be the last word,” Patterson writes, preceding a quote by early-20th century journalist Thomas Lippmann. “’When we expect [the press] to supply a body of truth, we employ a misleading standard of judgment. We misunderstand the limited nature of news [and] the illimitable complexity of society.’”

Compare to Hayek in “The Use of Knowledge In Society”:

The peculiar character of the problem of a rational economic order is determined precisely by the fact that the knowledge of the circumstances of which we must make use never exists in concentrated or integrated form, but solely as the dispersed bits of incomplete and frequently contradictory knowledge which all the separate individuals possess.

Patterson goes on to explain how, in his view, journalists are nearly the only professionals whose field does not sit on a substantive knowledge base, which he defines as “established patterns and regularities organized around conceptual frameworks or theories.”

He writes, “Knowledge is more than mere information or conventional understandings. It is systematic information.”

Journalists’ knowledge deficit does not appear to be a major concern within their profession. […] Yet the public has a sense of it. In a Freedom Forum study, journalist Robert Haiman found that although the public ‘respects the professional and technical skills [of] journalists,’ it feels that journalists ‘don’t have an authoritative understanding of the complicated world they have to explain to the public.’ […] ‘When it comes to a subject of more than average complexity, the truth in news often comes from outside of journalism. The news media, Lippmann argued, ‘can normally record only what has been recorded for it by the working of institutions. Everything else is argument and opinion.’

Again, from Hayek:

All economic activity is in this sense planning; and in any society in which many people collaborate, this planning, whoever does it, will in some measure have to be based on knowledge which, in the first instance, is not given to the planner but to somebody else, which somehow will have to be convayed to the planner. The various ways in which the knowledge on which people base their plans is communicated to them is the crucial problem for any theory explaining the economic process. […] The answer to this question is closely connected with that other question which arises here, that of who is to do the planning.

In my initial skimming-through of Patterson’s book, I found myself both agreeing and disagreeing with his overarching thesis. He’s right, insofar as there is a need for a journalism that can more succinctly serve the public with news that is more accurate and less prone to misinformation. But where he and we seem to disagree is that his answer to this problem lies in maintaining the current centralized structure of news media (despite the knowledge problems it inherently creates), rather than exploring the possibilities of a journalist class that includes as many people as possible sharing information in a stigmergic fashion.

The Weekly Abolitionist: Prison Abolition And Dealing With Violent Crime

The natural question that emerges when one brings up prison abolition is: what would we do about violent crime and similar rights violations? I have several answers to this question.

The first is that I don’t fully know. A free society would involve a diversity of institutions emerging and a market discovery process going on along with various decentralized democratic community experiments, so there’s not going to be one philosopher or economist that predicts in full what’s likely to happen.

That said, I have a pretty strong preference towards moving from criminal law towards civil or tort law, and away from punishment towards restitution.The advantage of civil law over criminal law is that the goal is compensating the victims of crimes and abuses and having that payment serve as a way of holding perpetrators of abuse accountable. This means that addressing harm is the key issue, rather than simply punishing those who violate the commands of the state. Economist and legal scholar David Friedman has done lots of great work on what a society based on purely civil law might look like. For example, I highly recommend this video, where he discusses abolishing criminal law.

The next point is that we see some examples of what prison abolitionist approaches to crime might look like already, because marginalized communities are actively oppressed by and underserved by the criminal justice system. People of color, transgender people, sex workers, immigrants, and sexual assault survivors are all often poorly served or actively oppressed by the criminal justice system. As such, many of them have built up alternatives to the system for dealing with the abuse and violence they suffer. One good example of this is the Audre Lorde Project’s Safe OUTside the System Collective in New York. Victoria Law discusses a few more such examples in her video Resisting Gender Violence Without Cops or Prisons. Still more examples are discussed in Rose City Copwatch’s zine Alternatives to the Police.

The state’s prisons and police do not effectively deal with violence and abuse – they perpetrate violence and abuse. As Dean Spade puts it, “The prison is the serial killer, the prison is the serial rapist.” Recent reports of rampant sexual violence against inmates in prisons like Alabama’s Tutwiler Prison for Women highlight this horrible truth. We must seek to abolish this systemic aggression. But those of us who seek to abolish the state’s systemic violence should also consider how to craft better institutions to defend from the violence the state purports to protect us from.

The Weekly Libertarian Leftist And Chess Review 18

Charles R. Larson discusses the grotesqueries of Iraq.

David Swanson discusses the use of Nazi scientists by the U.S.

Franklin Lamb discusses getting aid into Homs.

Laurence M. Vance discusses ending the American empire.

Matt Welch discusses the drug war.

Shihka Dalmia discusses closed border policies.

William D. Hartung discusses arm sales.

Robert Fisk discusses drone strikes.

Alexander Reid Ross discusses state repression.

Winslow Myers discusses the overwhelmed peace movement.

Kevin Carson discusses why he hates government.

David Swanson discusses repression in Bahrain.

William A. Cook discusses the do nothing peace machine in Israel.

Jay Janson discusses the atrocities of the U.S. empire.

Peter Van Buren discusses the presidential killing powers of Obama.

Sheldon Richman discusses the congruence of the moral with the practical.

Patrick Cockburn discusses the retirement of Sadr.

Nick Turse discusses the Vietnam War.

Chris Hedges discusses the dual character of the American state.

W.T. Whitney discusses the blockade of Cuba.

Tom Engelhardt discusses the thuggish character of the American state.

Jacob Hornberger discusses the military coup in Egypt and implications for the U.S.

Thomas L. Knapp discusses the drone strikes.

Ramzy Baroud discusses a CIA connected general in Libya.

Uri Avnery discusses his challenging of the boycott law.

Franklin Lamb discusses the potential for no fly zones over Syria.

Patrick Cockburn discusses the civil war in Syria.

Kevin Carson discusses anti-unionism and right to work laws.

A famous game between Steinitz and Bardeleben.

A famous game between Alekhine and Yates.

Response To Comments On We’re Not Conservatives: Part One

My blog post on the differences between conservatives and libertarians has caused some controversy. These criticisms and comments deserve to be answered. Let’s start with a comment made on this page by N8chz:

Libertarian and conservative are practically opposites, but America is a special place. American libertarianism is a different breed of libertarianism and American conservatism is a different breed of conservatism. Both are much more enamored of classical liberalism than their international counterparts (and their traditional forms).

Much truth above, but the contemporary conservative right in the U.S. pays more lip service to classical liberal ideals than actively embracing them. Observe the attitude of the GOP establishment towards war, civil liberties, immigration, public secularism, corporatism, and so on.

In terms of your five points:

1) Grass roots small-government conservatives (“tea party” types) seem to be rediscovering their party’s isolationist traditions. No doubt much of this is because there’s a Democrat in the White House.

Not sure of the Republician Party’s isolationist roots, but I acknowledge that some conservatives are anti-war. Not all Tea Party types are anti-war though, and it remains to be seen whether what anti-war sentiment exists is due to a Democratic being in office.

2) There has been -some- movement on drug policy on the part of such conservatives.

This may be true, but the GOP establishment remains pretty firmly favorable to the War on Drugs.

The preservation of the state has left and right minarchists on one side and left and right anarchists on the other. It’s an anarchist-minarchist rivalry, not a conservative-libertarian one.

It’s true that there is an anarchist-minarchist divide on the issue, but the conservative also wants to preserve the state. I fail to see how it can’t also be an anarchist-conservative divide.

Populist conservatives have also been kvetching about airport security, since there’s a Democratic administration. And of course the American far-right “patriot” types have always had their slogan “love my country, fear my government.”

It still couches things in nationalistic or patriotic terms, but it’s true that conservatives seem more insistent on civil liberties under a Democratic administration.

I think it’s significant that the fifth item on the list contrasts not conservatives and libertarians, but conservatives and left-libertarians. Left libertarians are on the opposite side from conservatives on bosses and corporate overlords–although even tea party types have adopted the phrase, when addressing libertarian and other leftists, “it’s really ‘corporatism’ you’re against.” Left libertarians are on the same side as conservatives on seeing competition as a positive thing, believing market equilibrium represents the best (most efficient) of all possible worlds, and having generally positive attitudes toward Mises, Hayek, etc.

I am not of necessity an uber fan of Mises and Hayek. My conception of markets is considerably different from the conservative one too. I also don’t believe markets are the best in all cases. It’s one part of a unified theory. The type of markets I embrace dilute plutocratic or oligarchic power, rather than reinforce it.

Anarchy and Democracy
Fighting Fascism
Markets Not Capitalism
The Anatomy of Escape
Organization Theory