STIGMERGY: The C4SS Blog
“The Star Fraction – Introduction to the American Edition” by Ken MacLeod on C4SS Media

C4SS Media presents Ken MacLeod‘s “The Star Fraction – Introduction to the American Edition“, read by James Tuttle and edited by Nick Ford.

Ken MacLeod‘s introduction to the North American edition of his 1995 novel The Star Fraction appears in the omnibus volume Fractions: The First Half of The Fall Revolution by Ken MacLeod (New York: Orb, 2008), and is reprinted by permission of the author and of the publisher, Tom Doherty Associates.

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“History is the trade secret of science fiction, and theories of history are its invisible engine. One such theory is that society evolves because people’s relationship with nature tends to change more radically and rapidly than their relationships with each other. Technology outpaces law and custom. From this mismatch, upheavals ensue. Society either moves up to a new stage with more scope for the new technology, or the technology is crushed to fit the confines of the old society. As the technology falls back, so does the society, perhaps to an earlier configuration. In the main stream of history, however, it has moved forward through a succession of stages, each of which is a stable configuration between the technology people have to work with, and their characteristic ways of working together. But this stability contains the seeds of new instabilities. Proponents of this theory argue that the succession of booms and slumps, wars, revolutions and counter-revolutions, which began in August 1914 and which shows no prospect of an end, indicates that we live in just such an age of upheaval.”

Speaking On Liberty: Nathan Goodman

In this episode of Speaking On Liberty’s Jason Lee Byas, Grayson English and Kyle Platt interview C4SS Fellow and Dissenting Leftist blogger Nathan Goodman about the the US prison system.

http://youtu.be/HinltJ-ujX0

The Ever-Growing Insanity of Venezuelan Exchange Controls

With soaring import demand due to double-digit inflation, collapsing local production of almost everything other than the ever-flowing black gold, and increasing regime uncertainty ever since the Comandante’s passing, there seems to be no end in sight for the bizarre efforts with which the Venezuelan government is trying to sustain foreign exchange controls.

If you want to get a good grasp of the whole shenanigan, make sure to read this, this and this, by Francisco Toro and Emiliana Duarte at Caracas Chronicles.

Get Ready for the Second Issue of The Industrial Radical and Support C4SS

The second issue of The Industrial Radical is on its way to the printers and in anticipation the first issue has been made available as a free PDF.

You can support C4SS and get a hard copy of The Industrial Radical for only $7.00 through our partnership with the ALL Distro. You can also makes sure not to miss out on the second issue, or the third, by subscribing!

$7.00 for one issue. $4 for every additional issue. $14.00 for six months. $28.00 for a year.

The Industrial Radical is devoted to radical libertarian political and social analysis in the tradition of Benjamin Tucker’s 1881-1908 Liberty, Emma Goldman’s 1906-1917 Mother Earth, and Murray Rothbard’s 1965-1968 Left & Right.

For too long libertarians have treated market anarchism almost the way Scientologists treat Xenu, as an “esoteric doctrine” to which one is introduced only after one has thoroughly assimilated some more moderate form of libertarianism — as though anarchism were an impediment rather than an asset in making the case for liberty.

Of course this becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy: potential converts find anarchism off-putting because they don’t know what it is, and they don’t know what it is because we avoid explaining it. In fact market anarchism can and should be one of libertarianism’s greatest selling-points, highlighting a radical and inspiring alternative to the present system rather than some variant of economic conservatism. It’s time to put market anarchism front and center in our educational efforts, time to start making it a familiar and recognizable position — while at the same time continuing to educate ourselves and exploring new horizons in market anarchist thought.

The Industrial Radical does not impose a party line; we welcome discussion and vigorous debate from all quarters, and in particular from other anarchists and radical libertarians from the left and from the right.

  • Purchase titles at individual prices, $7.00 per issue.
  • Or get our full print run: 1 Anarchist Classics zines for $7.00 (or only $4.00 when you order multiples).
“Unequal Contracts, Unequal Power” by Kevin Carson on C4SS Media

C4SS Media would like to present Kevin Carson‘s “Unequal Contracts, Unequal Power“, read by James Tuttle and edited by Nick Ford.

“To many libertarians on the political and cultural Right instinctively identify with employers, landlords, and service providers on this issue. They are, in my opinion, fundamentally wrong-headed to do so. The proper position for any genuine advocate of freed markets is not to defend everything that is called “property” or “contract,” but only justly acquired property and valid contracts. Contracts whose terms reflect the systematic intervention of the state in the market on behalf of privileged classes are most definitely not valid, and any self-described “free market libertarian” who defends them is unworthy of the name.

Our strategy on the free market Left should be to encourage as many people as possible to look at the man behind the curtain, and to see through the corporate state’s claims that the present system is natural and inevitable.”

Kevin Carson Interviewed on Truthdig, Pacifica Radio

C4SS Senior Fellow Kevin Carson, Karl Hess Chair of Social Theory, was interviewed March 14th on the Truthdig radio program, Pacifica Radio, on his recent column “15 Benefits of the War on Drugs.” You can listen to the podcast here.

“Bring on the Drones!” by Kevin Carson on C4SS Media

C4SS Media would like to present Kevin Carson‘s “Bring on the Drones!“, read by James Tuttle and edited by Nick Ford.

In every conceivable way — agility, resilience, feedback/reaction loop — the emerging networked successor society runs circles around the old hierarchical corporate and state dinosaurs it’s replacing. As I’ve said many times, the twentieth century was the age of the large, hierarchical institution. By the end of the 21st, there won’t be enough left of them to bury.

Audio of Bradley Manning’s Statement

Hat Tip: Antiwar.com

William Gillis’s “From Whence do Property Titles Arise?” on YouTube

From the Markets Not Capitalism audiobook read by C4SS fellow Stephanie Murphy.

“a most attractive consummation”

I believe that liberty and equality will usher in a fraternity that will annihilate commercialism and the greed of gain. With the land and opportunity free, the laborer will no longer work for others, but supply his own needs with his labor. With the wonderful facilities for manufacturing, the immense aids inventive genius has placed at our disposal, but usurped by government agents, every man could be independent, and the fear of poverty would be unknown, the incentive to accumulate wealth for any other purpose than use would be gone. –Ross Winn

How Will a Free Society Come, and How Will It Operate? by Celia B. Whitehead and Ross Winn,

Speaking On Liberty: Sheldon Richman

In this episode of Speaking On Liberty’s Jason Lee Byas and Kyle Platt interview C4SS Senior Fellow, C4SS Trustee Chair and Free Association blogger Sheldon Richman. Sheldon is also the VP and editor of The Future of Freedom Foundation and former editor of The Freeman. In this interview they discuss the future of libertarianism, war, climate change, Murray Rothbard, Jeffrey Tucker, as well as other topics!

http://youtu.be/MZVPVCrY_Po

“A (Brief) People’s History of Gun Control” by Kevin Carson on Feed 44

C4SS Media would like to present Kevin Carson’s “A (Brief) People’s History of Gun Control“, read by James Tuttle and edited by Nick Ford.

“From its beginnings the state has been an executive committee of the economic ruling class and an instrument of armed force by the owners of the means of production, enabling them to extract surplus labor from the rest of us. I can’t imagine why anyone would expect the state’s gun control policies to display any less of a class character than other areas of policy. Regardless of the “liberal” or “progressive” rhetoric used to defend gun control, you can safely bet it will come down harder on the cottagers than on the gentry, harder on the workers than on the Pinkertons, and harder on the Black Panthers than on murdering cops.”

About the question of oversight…

Arthur Silber, of the Once Upon a Time… blog, as usual, has a brilliant and scathing critique of the recent clamor for more “transparency” and “oversight” regarding the United States on going “murder programs”.

…about the question of oversight, and the related pleas for “accountability” and “transparency”: keep in mind what the Murder Program is. The executive branch claims that it can murder anyone it chooses anywhere in the world, for any reason it wishes. Someone needs to explain to me how oversight, accountability and transparency will make such a program better. But they can’t explain that — because it cannot be done. A program that is evil in the manner the Murder Program is evil cannot be “improved,” or “managed” so as to make it decent and humane. The Murder Program is an abomination. You don’t “fix” abominations of this kind. You end them. You end them this very moment. As I said about this issue last November:

Evil does not become less evil because people are “open” about it. It is not miraculously transformed into good through some mysterious process of alchemy. Evil becomes only worse, infinitely worse. …

So if certain “critics” of the Murder Program get what they want, the State will be blessedly open about its programs devoted to evil. It will torture and murder regularly, perhaps every day, but in broad daylight, with all of us watching.

And a lot of people will be very pleased indeed. Pleased, hell. They’ll be goddamned thrilled.

 

If You Ever Wondered …

… where Ron Paul really comes down on issues like world government and “intellectual property,” you’ve got your answer:

Ron Paul Calls on United Nations to Confiscate Domain Names of His Supporters

Karl Hess: Tools to Dismantle the State

“In this video from a Libertarian International conference in Stockholm in 1986, Hess speaks about everything from his time as a speechwriter for Barry Goldwater to Euclid, the impending collapse of global communism, children’s education in America, the dawn of the personal computer (which he refers to as a “microcomputer”), new management styles in business (he somewhat accurately predicts the way Google treats its employees based on Cray Supercomputers’ management style at the time), and several other fascinating topics. Hess also fields audience questions for about half an hour.”

Speaking On Liberty: William Gillis

In this episode of Speaking On Liberty’s Jason Lee Byas and Grayson English interview C4SS Fellow and Human Iterations blogger William Gillis. William is also the author of the opening essay, The Freed Market, in the left libertarian collection Markets Not Capitalism.

http://youtu.be/qQ6ievjgJwQ

Anticopyright

The following article was written by Charles Johnson and published on his Rad Geek People’s DailyFebruary 6th, 2013.

All of the original work on this website is free content. It’s free content because I am against copyright, and indeed all forms of so-called intellectual property. Copying is not theft, and when you reprint, duplicate or imitate you don’t deprive anyone of the work or the ideas that they had. If you like it, or you’re interested by it, or you want to single it out for mockery, you can feature it on your web page, you can print it in your newsletter, you can hang a copy on a bar wall and throw darts at it. If you do any of that, I’d love to hear about what you’re doing, but you don’t need to ask permission. Copy, reprint, translate, make derivative works as you please. If you want to support the work, you can do that. But anyone found copying the content on these pages without permission, will be a real good friend of mine.

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Several years ago, when I first put this website together, I dealt with these issues by means of copylefting notices and policy statements intended to make my writing freely available through a Creative Commons license. If you want to reprint this stuff under a Creative Commons license, you can still do that, all you want. But I don’t care anymore. It’s not enough to try to kludge the legalities of copy-monopolies from within. So-called intellectual property is in fact nothing more than a legally fabricated monopoly, suppressing competition and emulation, constraining creativity, confining culture, science and technology to captive, capitalist-dominated markets, and violently depriving many of the poorest and most marginalized from access to critical resources for education and life-saving medicines. The legal fictions of copyright and patent are despotic attempts to monopolize the human mind; power-psychotic burdens crippling and destroying individual ownership and the progress of grassroots culture and technologies; outrageous constraints on human intelligence and creativity; and a destructive and desperate protectionist scheme for the profit of powerful corporations. This web project is, in spirit and in letter, at war with every aspect of Intellectual Protectionism, in its principles — of monopolizing power, entitlement, social control and economic privilege — and in its operation — through increasingly invasive government policing and legal coercion — and in the disastrous global effects of patent and copyright restrictions.

This machine kills intellectual monopolists.

Anticopyright” on C4SS Media.

SlutWalk on Mental Self Defense Radio

As a libertarian feminist, I am glad to see that discussion of rape culture is coming up in libertarian circles. Shawndell Hoyt and Tiffany Thorne, two of my fellow organizers with SlutWalk SLC, recently talked with libertarian Jake Shannon on his show Mental Self Defense Radio. Trigger warning for discussion of sexual violence, as well as tons of misogynistic male callers who apparently think bringing up rape is “man hating.”  Such allegations are a common response to any discussion of gender violence, and have been pervasive in comments on previous blog posts and articles I’ve published here at C4SS.

“Gun Control: Who Gets Control?” by Darian Worden on C4SS Media

C4SS Media would like to present Darian Worden’s Gun Control: Who Gets Control?, read by James Tuttle and edited by Nick Ford.

“While we make society more compassionate — which cannot be done without cultivating respect for liberty and autonomy — we should respect the gun rights of all responsible individuals. It is amazing that an 18-year-old can vote and serve in the military, but cannot legally buy a handgun for personal defense, especially since it was once common for rural students to bring guns to school and leave them in the principal’s office so they could go hunting before or after school. If guns are viewed as familiar but dangerous instead of as mysterious sources of forbidden power, they will probably be handled more responsibly.” –Darian Worden

Libertarian Anticapitalism, Definitions and Distinctions

The following two comments were written by Charles Johnson in response to questions, concerns and misreadings regarding his article Libertarian Anticapitalism.

1. For the record, in the article above, I am not in the first place “discarding” the word “capitalism” or throwing the word “into the trash bin.” I am in fact using the word capitalism, fairly extensively. For instance, in the title of this post: “Libertarian Anticapitalism.” I have often used this term elsewhere as well — for example, in the title of the anthology I co-edited, Markets Not Capitalism.

What’s going on here is not “discarding” the term; what’s going on here is making clear that while I reject one use of the term — the usage of “capitalism” that attempts to make it synonymous with free markets or, say, a “free enterprise system” — I am happy to use the term according to another usage — one which is no more novel, no less legitimate, and at least as congruent with common usage. Specifically, the use of “capitalism” to refer to the wage-labor system, or to profit-dominated society, as described above.

2. You might say that this is not the “real” definition of the term, but merely the “misunderstanding” of “socialists” and “misinformed capitalists.” But I would then ask you where exactly you got the “real” definition of the term. If you want to contest the claim that “capitalism” has ever been defined, or could ever be used, with any of the three alternative definitions I discussed above, then I can only ask you to read a bit more about this subject before you hold forth on it.

3. If you want to admit that people have used those other definitions but that they were somehow wrong to do so, and that your preferred definition is the correct one, then I can only say that in my view there is no Real Definition of the word “capitalism;” the definitions of words are not written by God in letters of fire, but rather human artifacts, which we make in the course of communicating with each other, and no word has any meaning independently of the communicative use to which it can be put. And in this case, my reasons for preferring the use I put the term to, have nothing to do with some kind of fear of using unpopular words. If I was afraid of using unpopular or controversial words, then I’d hardly be using the terms “free market” or “laissez-faire” or “private enterprise” either; outside of libertarian circles, those words aren’t any more popular than “capitalism” is.

The reasons I do have, have to do with the specific communicative purpose that I explained in the article. It’s not because people think of bad things when they hear the word “capitalism,” it’s because making a sharp terminological distinction between (1) market forms, on the one hand, and (2) capitalist patterns of ownership and control, on the other, helps me to achieve a specific communicative goalwhen I am talking with people about economics. The goal, as I describe in the article, is to highlight a particular causal claim about economic outcomes (the claim that freed markets would naturally produce the kinds of outcomes I described under the headings of “the wage-labor system” and “profit-dominated society”), and to raise some questions about what the basis for that causal claim is, and about whether or not that causal claim is actually true. If using the word “capitalism” synonymously with “free markets” or “private enterprise” tends to block that conversation or obscure that underlying Capitalist Causal Hypothesis, then that is a good reason not to use the word “capitalism” that way. If distinguishing the word “capitalism” from “free markets” or “private enterprise,” and using it instead to refer to something else that I want to question or to condemn (such as the wage-labor system, or profit-dominated society), helps to get that conversation started, and helps to bring out the underlying Capitalist Causal Hypothesis, then that is as good a reason as any to use the word “capitalism” in that way instead.

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From a discussion of the article at /r/Anarcho_Capitalism:

Author here.

He didn’t even address the actual definition of capitalism, which is an simply economic system where the means of production are privately owned. Anything else is just a redefinition.

You know, part of the reason I put up this post is because I’m getting tired of seeing people throw out these completely unsourced declarations about “the actual definition of capitalism,” “redefinition,” etc., as if they had in front of them some stone tablets where God Himself wrote out the Real Definition of the term in letters of fire. If you think this is The Real Definition of the term, you need to realize that it’s not necessarily obvious to everyone else that it is, and you’ll have to tell me at least where you got that definition from and why you think that that source is so especially definitive, compared to all the others that I’ve reviewed from 1840 to the present. Because that definition may or may not (on which, see below) be the definition given by Louis Blanc, when he used the term in 1840 (in the Organisation du Travail); it’s certainly not the definition given by, e.g., Proudhon (in La Guerre et la Paix) in the 1860s, etc. If you’ve got the Actual Definition and these other usages are “just redefinitions,” then they are “redefinitions” that are as old as, or older than the Actual Definition you’ve got. Which would seem odd.

Anyway, that said, I probably should have included a note about the definition of capitalism as (say) “private ownership of the means of production;” my excuse for omitting it (not necessarily a good one) is that the piece already clocks in at about 3,000 words as it is, and my take on the P.O.O.T.M.O.P. definition, if I had included it, is that the definition is itself subject to the same confusions as the term “capitalism” is.

Here’s what I mean: “private ownership” may be used to mean one of two things. First, “private” may be used to mean ownership which is private in the sense of being civil rather than governmental. If that is the case, than private ownership of the means of production is simply encompassed by the meaning of my first definition, “capitalism” as meaning simply “the free market.” (What it is for a market to be free is, in part, that people are free to earn and keep property, without any de jure limits except those imposed by the need to respect the equal liberty of others. Government ownership, to the extent it happens, undermines the free market to that same extent, because government as such is a coercive monopoly, and what it takes, it takes at the expense of peaceful people’s property rights.) This is, importantly, the sense of “private ownership” that libertarians usually mean when they talk about the importance of private property, etc.

But on the other hand, “private ownership” may be used to mean private in the sense of solitary rather than common, or personal rather than social, meaning that the titles and the profits accruing from ownership go to a relatively few people, rather than being widely dispersed. But there are many senses of “social ownership of the means of production” which are perfectly compatible with free markets — worker and consumer co-ops, for example, are a sort of distributed social ownership, and non-governmental common or public property (of the sort discussed by Roderick Long in, e.g., “A Plea for Public Property”) are perfectly possible — and, historically, perfectly common — exercises of free association and individual property rights, just as much as are personal property, sole proprietorship, corporate ownership, et cetera. For a number of anticapitalist writers (including pro-market anti-capitalists, such as Proudhon), the specific reason they spend a lot of time writing against “private ownership of the means of production” is because they are concerned about the social and economic effects of ownership being concentrated in a few hands, rather than broadly distributed, so that, e.g., the people who work in a shop are generally not the people who own it, the owners of a hospital are generally not the people who depend on its services, etc. — that is to say, they are concerned about something that they call “private ownership” not necessarily because they’re opposed to free markets (most are, but many aren’t), but because they’re opposed to “capitalism” in my third sense, to the wage-labor system and closely related phenomena like landlordism and the predominance of corporate ownership in general. A free market with ownership that is non-governmental, but widely distributed rather than concentrated would satisfy their stated “anticapitalist” norms — although only some (Proudhon, Tucker, Swartz) explicitly recognize this, and others (Marxists, Progressives) do not, generally because the former understand something about market economics and the latter do not.

Anyway, if “private ownership” means capitalism-1 in some mouths, and capitalism-3 in others, and is often (as I think it is) used confusingly to conflate the two and try to take a position for against the conflation, then it suffers from the same basic problems as the term “capitalism” itself, and does not help as a clarification of it. Hence, I didn’t offer it as one of the meanings to be distinguished; but I probably should have added a note explaining why.

For more on the same issue, cf. Roderick Long’s Pootmop! and Pootmop Redux! posts.

Hope this helps.

Anarchy and Democracy
Fighting Fascism
Markets Not Capitalism
The Anatomy of Escape
Organization Theory