Defending Aggressors is not a Market Virtue

Posted by on Jun 23, 2010 in Commentary3 comments

The left-wing blogosphere is alight with anti-corporate sentiment, and rightfully so, at Congressman Joe Barton’ s (R-TX) apology to British Petroleum.  He recently called the $20 billion restitution fund a “shakedown.” Although the congressman has rescinded his comments, I also share his strong dislike of this scheme, but not because this is any more of a shakedown than anything else the state does.   The American government has a magnificently horrible record of managing any quantity of money both practically and morally, and I don’t see how they would be any better at distributing funds to innocent victims of environmental disasters.  The state has also made it standard operating procedure to protect aggressive firms from being brought to complete justice through limited liability laws in an anti-market and fascistic way.

The American government has some of the most disingenuous accounting practices imaginable.  Every cost they estimate is really a logarithmic function, and they cannot keep the United States Post Office from losing about $5 billion a year.  They systematically sap the value of Federal Reserve notes through inflation and cannot be trusted to leave funds appropriated for Social Security in the designated account.

They literally take money from those worst off in society for retirement, supposedly for their own benefit, remove the money from that account, leave an unfunded liability, and then use the money on something more politically expedient while the weakest lose their coerced investment and are reimbursed unwillingly by those who remain productive.  What a racket!

As an institution, one should be extremely skeptical of both the practical ability of the government to be able to deliver quality results and the motivations behind the actions of state actors.

Many of the people who argue for the necessity of the state believe that humankind is essentially petty and cruel and thus make the case for a centralized political system to maintain order, peace, and prosperity.  But if humankind is all of those naughty things, then how are the people in government any different?  If people are profit-seeking and brutal, then they don’t become magnificently well-intentioned and public-spirited after joining the state.

Conversely, centralized power might even attract the cruelest in society, and any government would thus become infinitely more dangerous if the humankind were inherently evil.  I am far from the first to point this out.  Hayek famously wrote about this in The Road to Serfdom in the chapter “Why the Worst Get on Top.”  This idea is also central to the economic study of public choice theory.

Worse still for libertarians, the right has thoroughly embarrassed itself with its mercantilist defense of BP after the Deep Horizon Disaster and further sullied the reputation of markets in the process.  The juxtaposition of free market rhetoric and the fascistic reality of their position is responsible for an ever-increasing amount of damage to the perceived credibility of market liberalism.

In the haste to defend their mythological and hollow admiration of markets, the GOP’s ranks have closed around BP, in an effort to prevent a guilty-by-association wave of anti-market eruption from the political left.  Their smoke screen dooms liberty’s message and begs the question:

“How is defending an aggressive company a virtue for a free marketeer?”

I know the feeling. As a market-oriented thinker there can be pressure to defend every single market interaction.  “Walmart did what?  Oh, well, they have a right to, even though that’s ridiculous.  This is really a problem of state-granted corporate privilege.  In a freed market without a state these incentives and interactions would not actually exist, and this poor behavior would be very unprofitable…”  This isn’t always so convincing to the uninitiated, but libertarians walk a tightrope on issues like this.

This debate in the popular and mainstream media sources truncate the acceptable lines of argument between the fascist right, who are currently blocking legislation to raise liability caps, and the cries for more well-intentioned but economic progress-strangling regulation from the left.  There is a better way though, with a free market and without a state.

I’d argue that one should react with a “don’t hate the player, hate the game” attitude with regard to this incident.  BP, like all market actors, respond to the forces of supply and demand mostly outside of their control in order to internalize economic gains for their staff and investors.  However, with this statist anti-market and dangerous liability cap, firms like BP and their shareholders are are predictably incentivized to be less cautious than they would be without state protection.

With unlimited liability for civil damages through torts (private non-criminal damages suits) and a freed market, BP and all companies would be positively incentivized to keep the likelihood of negative (and expensive!) externalities to the most minimal amount conceivable.  This is precisely the kind of ‘regulation’ libertarians support.

This one change against caps on liability would make business extremely responsible and would do so without all of the inflexible bureaucratic regulations which produce sluggish and impoverishing economic conditions.  Unlimiting torts will make the world freer, safer, and more sustainably productive.  This is but one step on the road to the ideal of a stateless society, but if you are currently arguing for justice as a result of BP’s actions, please don’t forget to include this essential point.  Without this necessary reform, any new laws reacting to the Deep Horizon Disaster will only be polishing brass on the Titanic, and it will only be a matter of time until the perverse incentive structure strikes again.

C4SS Research Assistant Ross Kenyon serves on the Executive Board of Alumni For Liberty, on the Board of Directors of the Association of Libertarian Feminists, and is an essayist with the ALLiance of the Libertarian Left. He is interested in questions of culture, being, language, and community.

Tags: , , , , , , , , , , , , , , , ,

3 comments

» Comments RSS Feed
  1. My immediate questions about the principle of unlimited-liability torts are as follows:

    1. In a stateless society, who would pay the judges who hear such cases? What safeguards would exist to discourage them from acting in the interests of the highest bidder? What mechanisms would exist to enforce compliance with any judgements reached in such cases?

    2. Since the poorest members of society can rarely afford legal representation, would the absence of state-enforced criminal proceedings in cases of negligence result in justice being denied such individuals?

    3. Although the case for such unlimited liability looks appealing in the case of a careless global corporation, would you not also envisage it being used aggressively by such corporations against smaller businesses, especially in such a litigious culture as the US?

    Your thoughts on these would be appreciated.

    Thanks.

  2. Kevin: Thank you for the kind words. I appreciate it! I didn't address common law in this piece, which was already a little long, but I recognize its importance as well.

    @Al: You have some very good questions.

    1. Simply put, I'm not sure, nor do I think anyone is fully capable of answering this question at the moment. It is equivalent to asking "how would we transport ourselves without the state?"

    The beauty of the free market is that it subverts the knowledge problem and unleashes peaceful human creativity and prowess even with our limited information. If I had the answers to all of these questions, in the words of Stefan Molyneux, you should make me dictator. :D

    My guess is that in a free society for us to be able to trust each other, we would have to create our own social contract, or join one at an existing agency. In that contract would be stipulations on who we use for arbitration (or how we decide amongst ourselves), the appeals process, etc. It wouldn't surprise me if it took on a British-style of 'loser pays,' so that the guilty party would have an incentive not to stretch litigation out as long as possible or to create false torts.

    Arbitration services would be in direct competition, so they would have to prove to the consumer that they were trustworthy, which would often mean revealing their financial details to independent investigators or the general public. Those that were even rumored to be unfair or corrupt would not only lose market share, but may even be driven from the market, and subject to torts against themselves!

    2. Possibly. If I were poor, and I knew this was a possibility, I would probably buy tort insurance, which would insure my ability to litigate should I need to. Not only this, but without state legal bars and government monopoly on criminal arbitration/criminal law, prices would be driven as low as possible and would be probably in an equilibrium state.

    3. Definitely possible, but I think my answer to #2 is applicable.

    I was in a bit of a rush, so apologies if I missed some nuance, though I do believe several books and essays address these questions. Bruce Benson's "the Enterprise of Law," is especially famous. I am not a magnificent expert in this arena, so if any other readers would like to respond, I'd gladly welcome that.

  3. Excellent. And restoring the original common law of unconditional liability for damages, without regard to negligence or subjective state of mind, would also have an important effect.

Leave a comment