The Law Isn’t Worth the Paper It’s Written On
Posted by Kevin Carson on Apr 18, 2009 in Commentary • 3 commentsSheldon Richman, in a recent commentary piece at the Future of Freedom Foundation, examined “the civics-book fairy tale that we are the government.” In honor of April 15, he wrote:
“You must report every dime you earned last year, and if you believe any of it should be beyond the state’s grasp, you’d better have the proof. If the government withheld more of your money than (you think) the rules require, it is your burden to prove that. You then must submit the official paperwork by a certain time. If the authorities are not satisfied with what you submit, they will demand that you prove you’ve done it right. If you can’t, you’ll have to do it their way and pay more.”
In such a situation, he asks, “Do you really feel as though you’re paying taxes to yourself and your neighbors?”
Let’s stipulate, for the sake of argument, to this “the government is just all of us working together” fairy tale of the soccer moms, exemplified at its most goo-gooish in the book “Why Mommy is a Democrat.” Let’s stipulate that the government’s policies really do reflect the will of the majority, and that it means well.
Nevertheless, the fact remains that an enormous, continent-sized administrative state entails a huge amount of bureaucratic friction. And it requires, of necessity, the delegation of a great deal of discretion to people with an enormous potential for abusing that discretion.
It should be self-evident that every regulation, no matter how “well-meaning,” requires an administrative bureaucracy. And administrative bureaucracies simply cannot function according to traditional standards of common law due process. If an administrative bureaucracy had to operate on the presumption of a defendant’s innocence until it met the burden of persuading a jury beyond a reasonable doubt, before it could levy fines or seize property, the government’s taxing and regulatory functions would be paralyzed. It would be utterly impossible to carry them out, because the cost of meeting common law standards of due process (especially in internal revenue cases) would exceed the public benefits. The government, fiscally speaking, would bleed to death.
Pursuant to that rationale, the same prerogative law that the American colonists rebelled against, the law exercised by the British admiralty with its writs of assistance, has been gradually imported on a piecemeal basis. Today there are several dozen government agencies with the power to fine or imprison, or condemn property under “civil forfeiture,” without anyone’s ever being convicted of a crime.
What’s more, the petty functionaries running the rabbit warren of administrative law courts have a great deal of leeway to carry out personal vendettas. They can make life an utter hell for anyone who runs afoul of their whims, and force their enemies to bankrupt themselves fighting for justice. James Bovard’s work contains hundreds of anecdotes of the Kafkaesque nightmare suffered by victims of the administrative state. Or you can just rent the movie “Brazil.”
The late Harry Browne reminded us that, whenever we advocate a new law or regulation, we should always remember that it will almost certainly be interpreted and enforced by people we don’t like, in a way that’s 180 degrees removed from our intentions.
In considering the unintended consequences of laws, we should also avoid falling for the liberal faith, that words on a piece of paper have some magical effect on reality.
Several years ago, when the Northwest Arkansas community of Fayetteville was preparing to vote in a referendum to prohibit smoking in restaurants, local radio stations ran commercials in favor of the ban, by a group called YouthCAN! One ad had portrayed a maitre ‘d asking a customer whether he’d rather sit in the “washing” or “non-washing” section of the restaurant. That is, would he prefer his waiter wash his hands after using the bathroom, or not? “That’s disgusting!” the appalled customer said. “Isn’t there some kind of a law?” In a similar ad, a visitor to a public swimming pool was confronted with the “peeing” and “non-peeing” sections. The outraged response, again–”Isn’t there some kind of a law?”
This is a classic illustration of the liberal mindset: the belief that an unenforceable law will cause people to wash their hands, or to refrain from peeing in the pool.
This is fairly common among authoritarian personalities. They recognize, in theory, that some people refuse for whatever perverse reason to obey the law—but they attempt to solve the problem by passing a new law, on the implicit assumption that it will be obeyed. As Barney Fife said, “Rule Number One: Obey all the rules!” Here in Arkansas, gas pumps bear signs with the stern visage of a state trooper warning potential scofflaws that driving off without paying for gas will cause their drivers’ licenses to be revoked. The assumption, apparently, is that someone who will steal gas without any moral qualm or fear of getting caught, will nevertheless be afraid to drive without a license.
C4SS (c4ss.org) Research Associate Kevin Carson is a contemporary mutualist author and individualist anarchist whose written work includes Studies in Mutualist Political Economy, Organization Theory: A Libertarian Perspective, and The Homebrew Industrial Revolution: A Low-Overhead Manifesto, all of which are freely available online. Carson has also written for such print publications as The Freeman: Ideas on Liberty and a variety of internet-based journals and blogs, including Just Things, The Art of the Possible, the P2P Foundation and his own Mutualist Blog.







“Here in Arkansas, gas pumps bear signs with the stern visage of a state trooper warning potential scofflaws that driving off without paying for gas will cause their drivers’ licenses to be revoked. The assumption, apparently, is that someone who will steal gas without any moral qualm or fear of getting caught, will nevertheless be afraid to drive without a license.”
Actually, that would be a realistic approach if only driving licences really did work as licensing systems were originally designed to work. The idea was that you used licensing to create a privileged group that had an incentive to police and defend their privilege against others who were soon informed against, so the state then only had to apply sanctions against them (which is how taxi licences were set up and still work in London, and partly why the same licensing authority deals both with them and with bootblack licences – the other part being the public policy reason to have licensing in those fields in the first place, to head off opportunistic robbery of clients, the same issue in both cases). With that, people aren’t afraid to drive without a licence, they merely find they cannot do it. The threat on the pumps might work through fear of that, but it wouldn’t be a case of backing up one fear with another, nor would the back up be unenforceable but rather self-policing.
However, in this day and age the authorities have forgotten how to use their tools and treat driving licences as a system policed by them, without external signs of being licensed and available to nearly everybody, so there is neither an incentive nor a method for the licensed to police the rest.
.. and neither is fiat currency. This will help clarify thinking regarding criminal states and their cronies.
The “rule of law” is a precisely defined law. It is the highest law of mankind, stated below:
“the suppression of forceful and fraudulent methods of goal seeking”
“all are treated equally by the law”. This means ALL, including king and judges
“absolute property rights”
This in turn is based on the fact that human behavior (the topic of law) is about goal seeking. In the seeking of any goal, there are only three possible methods: force, fraud and honest trade. Any transaction that is not an honest, mutually agreed trade will cause a self-defensive response (conflict) from the victim whose survival has been affected.
“The Rule of Law” is the glue that keeps all of mankind acting together in common interest, tied together by mutual dependence of trade, on an evolutionary path to excellence. Force and fraud creates conflict and destroys civilizations. Mankind is now on a devolutionary path to extinction because the co-operation once forced by “the rule of law” has been replaced by legitimizing force and fraud for those who incorrectly believe they wield power.
Rule of Law, Defined: http://www.nazisociopaths.org/modules/article/view.article.php/c1/34
Purpose of, Reasons For: http://www.nazisociopaths.org/modules/article/view.article.php/36
Mathematics of Rule (explains current economic stall):
http://www.nazisociopaths.org/modules/article/view.article.php/c1/32
Bill Ross
(Electronics Design Engineer)
The same phenomenon can be found among pro-life advocates, who believe that if abortion is illegal, no one will have an abortion.
Of course, there are ways to set up laws so that they are self policing. VAT taxes are more successful than retail only taxes because one person's tax in another person's tax deduction.
Shifting most tax benefits and taxation to a business income tax would also cut the administrative paperwork in half, since only the employer – who already both pays and reports – would write roughly the same size check, distributing money to employees and reporting distributions to both the government and the employee. The government would then send a notice to the employees asking them to compare the two numbers and report back if they don't match or if the employer is committing fraud. If a VAT is also charged then VAT receipts would also be reported so that no one could evade.
Ideally, there would also be credits for charitable contributions, the distribution of which would be determined by employees. Contributions could be low, like the United Way, or high – something like the funding of tuition tax credits except that each employee decides to send money to the public or private school, mental health care and/or prison system of his or her choice – thus allowing for an end to publicly operated (though not publicly funded) systems.
A business income tax can do this is a way that the Fair Tax can't, since the FT merely funnels money to the state for the state to distribute.
There are still "statist elements" in this scheme – but they are far less onerous than the current regime.