Peace Talks For War
Posted by David S. D'Amato on Sep 4, 2010 in Commentary • 2 commentsTaking time away from overseeing international butchery and suzerainty, President Obama has instigated what are illusively called “peace talks” between the State of Israel and the Palestinian Authority. Apart from the overt conflict inhering in the United States’ role as mediator (the U.S. allocating billions in military aid to Israel), the entire charade stands on the ridiculous idea that the world’s preeminent terrorist state is a fitting conduit for peace. It of course befits the unrepentantly hypocritical character of the state that, having subjected the entire region to the antipode of peace for years, the U.S. would arrogate to itself the moral authority to negotiate a ceasefire. The essence of the state — its defining core — is its duplicity, that tactic of, for example, inflicting terror on the world coincident with a supposed, worldwide “War on Terror.”
Artful practice of such legerdemain, as against the use of violence alone, is the source of the state’s power, distinguishing it from any other group of criminals. “[V]iolence,” Nobel Laureate Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn explained, “has nothing with which to cover itself up except the lie, and the lie has nothing to stand on but violence,” the two constituting the basis of a methodology that makes Hamas terrorists and the United States a liberating hero. But for the double standard, there could be no justification for the treatment of Israel, a state born of carnage and colonial occupation, as anything but completely illegitimate. Though as a matter of course all states are illegitimate, the ethos of anarchism, with its uniform application of moral standards, stands in stark contrast to that of statism, the ethics of which are based on Machiavellian expediency. The Department of Defense Dictionary of Military Terms defines terrorism as, “The calculated use of unlawful violence or threat of unlawful violence to inculcate fear; intended to coerce or to intimidate governments or societies in the pursuit of goals that are generally political, religious, or ideological.” Fortunately for the state, since the parameters of positive law are its exclusive domain, its actions carry the imprimatur of legal validity perforce.
Contrastingly, it has been suggested that “terrorism” is in fact defined in terms of the sophistication of the weapons used, state of the art technology developed by defense contractors falling conveniently outside its definition. So when Arabs — who have inhabited what is today Israel for centuries — lash out in frenzied violence against a white, European colony planted upon them by a white, European state after World War I, they are condemned as terrorists. This is not to say that their unfocused violence accords with the narrow ethical requirement of self-defense, that it is in any way justifiable, but Israeli onslaughts have been undeviatingly more deadly, the Jewish State enjoying the appurtenances of a favored position in the United States’ retinue. Israel in many ways reifies the elements of statism, joining bellicose militarism with xenophobic nationalism, albeit the odd variant of religio-nationalism called Zionism. For a country of its size, Israel has been responsible for an inordinate amount of death, its creation plunging an already war torn region into decades of incessant confrontations.
When peace talks reemerge, from time to time, out of the detritus of bloodshed Israel has caused, the words of David Ben-Gurion, Israel’s first Prime Minister, come to mind: “The Jewish people have always regarded, and will continue to regard Palestine as a whole, as a single country which is theirs in a national sense, and will become theirs again. No Jew accepts partition as a just and rightful solution.” By all accounts, Israel has not acquiesced in any measurable way since 1948, when British troops, who had protected the United Kingdom’s stolen demesne since the defeat of the Ottomans, handed Palestine off to the Zionists. In a world without state interference, peaceful Jewish immigration to Palestine, in and of itself, would have posed no moral problems. The right to move freely is essential to the recognition of individual rights, and arbitrarily imposed political boundaries should not interrupt the natural communication between cultures that comes with immigration.
The displacement and massacre of a people, however, carried out through institutionalized aggression, is repugnant to the fluid idea of free movement and to liberty. “[T]here can never be peace and stability in the region,” writes Markus Bergström, “as long as there is an Israeli government, nor can there ever be a ‘free Palestine’ as long as there is a Palestinian government. The only way to achieve prosperity is through peace and commerce, and that can only come through a stateless society.” The two-state solution is a misnomer in that it provides no solution at all, promoting the conventional, statist orthodoxy and avoiding the real, underlying problem of legitimized coercion. Anarchists offer the only authentic solution — the no-state solution.
C4SS News Analyst David S. D'Amato is a market anarchist and an attorney with an LL.M. in International Law and Business. His aversion to superstition and all permutations of political authority manifests itself at firsttruths.org.






I support either the "no-state" or the "six-million state" solution for the middle east (if two states are better than one, than surely it's even better when there is one state per sovereign individual); of course either of these amount to the same thing.
Also, I don't know where you have learned your history, but Jews have been living in the middle east (and specifically in modern day Israel) for more than a few centuries. There have been waves of immigrations to Israel going back as far as the 12th century from what little I know, and I wouldn't be surprised if there were Jews who moved back even sooner from after the destruction of the temple 1,942 years ago.
My maternal grandmother's family lived in Aleppo Syria going back a few centuries (possibly to the time of the temple destruction) while my maternal grandfather's family lived in Baghdad Iraq for about the same until both families moved to Jerusalem and Cairo respectively in the mid 1800's.
To then focus exclusively on the European 'Ashkenaz' Jews would be ignoring the more than 60% of Israel's citizens who are middle eastern, or are descendants of middle eastern Jews.
FWIW, many of the Arabs whose families lived in the region for centuries are also descended from Jews who were forcibly converted to Islam, or who (IMO, unfortunately) converted for tax reasons during the rule of the Ottoman empire. One such town I know of and have visited upon occasion is called "Sakhnin" (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sakhnin), it was quite shocking to see a quaint arab village littered with tombs of rabbis who lived in those towns in the medieval ages.
My point here is, that regardless of who lived where and when, it makes it no more right to foist a Zionist state, than any plain ol' state upon the region. To focus on the zionist/Jewish aspect of it is IMO, a red herring, and a dangerous one to boot, because one could possibly mistake this focus on the zionist aspect to be motivated by anti-semitism.
I'm well aware of Shlomo Sands research of Ashkenaz Jewry (and his popularity in anti-Israel screeds), but again I think it misguided to be against a Zionist state, as opposed to a Zionist state.
To clarify, when I wrote that Arabs have lived in the area that is now Israel for centuries, I meant Arabs — meaning Arabic-speaking people — of all religions, Muslims, Jews, Christians, and otherwise. As you rightly note, Middle Eastern people are comprised of all religions. The question implicated by Israeli occupation of the region is not primarily a religious one, members of all of these religions having lived alongside one another in the Middle East long before the State of Israel existed. Likewise, it isn’t about whether Jews ought to have the ability to “move back.” I certainly take your point, and I regret that the point I was trying to make was compromised by any focus on the Zionist aspect of Israel’s history. Certainly you’re right that the problem is statism in and of itself, whatever the particularities of its shape in a given instance. I think I drew attention to aspects of history and Zionism only to underline the transparent ridiculousness of Israel’s existence, which I think is a great example of that of all states. I appreciate your comments, and I think they’ll help clarify the piece for others who may’ve been confused about what I was trying to get across too.