“Giving money and power to government,” writes P.J. O’Rourke, “is like giving whiskey and car keys to teenage boys.” It’s always a bad idea to increase politicians’ supply of either commodity, even in trade for some alleged increase in freedom. The state never lifts its boot from one part of the body politic without bringing that boot down more heavily on some other limb or organ.
That lesson seems lost on the current generation of libertarian political reformists. From Social Security alternatives to “school choice” proposals to schemes for legalizing marijuana, current reformist approaches have one thing in common: Each such proposal would extend the state’s reach into people’s lives, or increase the state’s revenues, or both, in return for a superficial quid pro quo.
The latest such proposal — and likely the most successful one in the short term — is manifest in a California referendum effort and a New York campaign for governor. The referendum and the candidate both propose “legalization” of marijuana, with the key marketing points being a) that said “legalization” would give the state regulatory control over cannabis, and b) that taxing the now-legal substance would close state budget gaps.
These kinds of proposals are, in essence, attempts to snatch defeat from the jaws of victory.
When the state begins to visibly entertain a proposal which would in any way curtail its power, when the pro-state media begins to seriously discuss such a proposal, it’s 100% certain that that proposal is already over the hump of public acceptance. It’s a sure thing that’s being accommodated because there’s no choice but to accommodate it.
On the issue of marijuana, government is on the ropes.
The revenues they depend on for continuous expansion of the “law enforcement” bureaucracy are drying up.
The money they’re accustomed to shoveling at privileged associates for construction of the prisons and “justice centers” which now blight nearly every county in America isn’t coming in any more.
Turning off the marijuana arrest machine would be a no-brainer even if a solid majority of the American public wasn’t demanding it.
So why offer the politicians “sweeteners” like regulation and tax revenues? They’re going to seek those sweeteners, and they’re probably going to get those sweeteners — but let them be the ones to make the arguments for those sweeteners. It’s not the freedom movement’s job to think up ways of compromising our actual or impending victories.
Most freedom activists, be we anarchists or “smaller government” libertarians, understand that Rome wasn’t built in a day and likely won’t be un-built in a day. We’re well aware that eliminating the state, or even cutting it down to some reasonably small size, is probably a long-term project. Sure, some sort of quick-acting, state-killing cataclysm is possible, but it’s not something we’re in a position to bring about or to plan for.
However, we shouldn’t let this understanding lead us into initiating compromises which partially or wholly cancel out our gains. The supporters of state power have plenty of compromises to offer and plenty of marketing mojo to impose those compromises on us. We may occasionally be forced to settle for less than we’d like or to take a loss in exchange for a gain, but less and loss are not what we should be aiming for or proposing.


Your points are well taken. There is a difference between changes we should support and changes we should advocate. As a Californian, I plan to vote for the bill you mentioned, because it reduces the penalty for pot smoking from years in prison and the destruction of lives down to an 8% penalty (sales tax). There is, however, no question that it is inferior to our goal of separation of pot and state. Well, separation of drugs and state. Well, actually, separation of society and state.
There are plenty of people willing to perform the service of proposing and promoting the political viable solutions: the shortage in this movement is of people willing to hold high the overall goal. Libertarians need to use their own limited time and energy to speak for complete freedom. But we can still support moves in the correct direction, and the California bill is one, just as the earlier medical marijuana proposition, an even tinier step, paved the way for this bill to become viable.
This topic of what to advocate is one I've been wrestling with for 30 years. In 1982, I commissioned Jeff Hummel to write a paper on The Case For Legalizing Heroin for my campaign for office in California, and later ran it in Caliber, the newsletter I published for the California Libertarian Party at the time. Jeff's paper:
http://flag.blackened.net/daver/misc/hummel.html
Fun fact, I designed a cartoon for the Caliber front page that accompanied that article (I designed all the cartoons, and hired someone with talent to draw them for me) that I was able to locate:
http://flag.blackened.net/daver/pics/caliber.jpg
Note that the same issue had an article by Wendy McElroy. I published anti-LP people regularly in Caliber: we got along famously even while disagreeing strongly on elements of strategy.
C4SS feels like a return to the days when pro-voting and anti-voting radicals worked together on some projects while not denying important disagreements. Keep up the good work, guys.
I agree and disagree at the same time. I agree that these sweeteners for the state are bad. Giving more money or power to the state is an anarchist no-no. But on the other hand, if legalized, the state will try to assert control and bring in revenue only to find out that everyone is not buying weed. Instead everyone is growing their own and they can't actually enforce their taxes without spending as much as they did trying to fight it when it was illegal.
No matter what actions the state takes to regulate and tax pot (or even keep it illegal), they lose.