The dictatorship effectively imposed something that resembled order. Like every authoritarian government, it was accountable to no one, it censored the opposition and scoured the streets in search of “subversive” activities. Violence? It did exist, but news about it was suppressed. Information the population got was filtered by the regime and critics were silenced and persecuted.

Even the idea that Brazil was economically prosperous in the “Years of Lead” is entirely false. The so called “Brazilian miracle” of the 1970s — which consisted basically of inflation and rising public debt to finance pharaonic government projects such as the Trans-Amazonian highway — put the country on the path toward economic collapse. Which in fact occured: Brazil was the Zimbabwe of the 1980s, a lost decade, of impoverishment and suffering for the people, who had to live with inflation topping 3000% a year.

Conveniently, the more nostalgic forget these facts. And even when they remember them, they minimize the problems. The number of dead and disappeared people due to political persecution during the dictatorship is calculated to be around 400. It’s a relatively “low” number compared to other military regimes from Latin America or even the communist regime of Cuba, so authoritarians dismiss any discussion of the subject as a non-issue. Which is, of course, absurd, because justice is not a comparison of the number of dead bodies. To them, Vladimir Herzog was the exception, rather than the rule.

This March 22 was the day for the widows of the dictatorship (as they are often called) to celebrate their illusions about the regime that made Brazil freeze in time for over 20 years. On the anniversary of 50 years of the misleadingly named Marcha da Família com Deus pela Liberdade (literally, March of the Family, with God, for Liberty, later called the Victory March by the new government) — that protested against the government of then leftist president João Goulart — some conservative groups decided to organize “protests” in several cities all over the country. The new “Marches of the Family” took the streets.

They called for “military intervention” (that is, a coup d’état) against the “communist threat” in Brazil. They called for the re-establishment of the farcical order of the military regime. Cheers for generals Médici and Geisel (two of the military presidents) could be heard. The fact these manifestations celebrated a contemptible figure such as congressman Jair Bolsonaro (an overt homophobe known for defending public lynchings of criminals) speaks volumes about the political ideals of those present.

However, we shouldn’t ascribe too much importance to these “marches.” Few people actually participated in them. Several leftist and anti-fascistic organizations were concerned, but in the end there wasn’t much reason to be. São Paulo’s March boasted about a thousand people, while Rio’s was able to attract 200. Negligible numbers in huge cities. Not to mention the sorry groups of 6 people in Recife and 9 in Natal. The widows of the dictatorship enacted a depressing play, not only for the reactionary views they defended, but because it made absolutely clear how irrelevant they are.

Brazilian newspapers found it important to cover the protests, but if anything, they have shown us that their ideology and values, much like the dictatorship, are buried in the past. They are fossils that very few people are willing to dig out.

The few in the streets this last Saturday want to turn back the clock, but they haven’t noticed they do not control the gears anymore. And there’s nothing they can do about it.

The Federal Police has been summoning for questions (or, as they call it in their totalitarian lingo, “to provide clarifications”) several individuals seen as leaders of the protests that occurred during the FIFA Confederations Cup in June. EPL was somewhat involved in them, and their several Facebook pages helped organize demonstrations by several groups. Torres, then, was questioned about all his political and institutional involvement — having to explain even where the money for his trips abroad came from (which should remind us clearly of the real reason passports exist: Control over and surveillance of the people.)

Translations for this article:

• Spanish, Brasil Arderá de Nuevo.

It’s not surprising, however — advocates of the military dictatorship have always made it a point to use the word “revolution” because of its positive connotations, and they are not alone. In fact, history books during the 21 years of the regime were always eager to mention the Democratic Revolution of 1964, and there has been a longstanding resistance against this linguistic cooption of the word “revolution” by political forces that clearly wanted nothing to do with actual change.

In the same vein, during the feverish riots in Venezuela against Nicolás Maduro’s government, the regime has accused the opposition of “demonizing the revolution.” The meme has reached the rest of Latin America and it is fairly easy to find denunciations of the anti-Maduro reactionaries and love letters to the “Bolivarian Revolution.” The theme is old among the socialist governments that have reached power in the world. Cuba has celebrated its continuous “revolution” for 50 years. Venezuela’s is ongoing since 1998, and even in its sweet sixteen continues to be subversive and anti-establishment.

It is understandable that defenders of clearly oppressive and exploitative regimes want to dress their idols up in revolutionary clothes. The current order, after all, is linked to all the social problems that already plague society and revolutions can only mean subversion and the potential solving of those issues. Thus, even obvious conservatives such as Rômulo Bini Pereira find it convenient to label their preferred type of government as “revolutionary.”

For the statist left, though, it is a founding myth. The left was originally the party of change, of transformation, against the chains of the Ancién Regime. The corporatists and social democrats that comprise the statist left nowadays keep this rebellious sentiment, but frame it in a pro-government, establishmentarian rhetoric.

In Brazil, the Worker’s Party (PT) has governed the country for 12 years, and their left-wing supporters have tried to pull the narrative that they have been rebellious and persecuted the whole time. A few months ago, politicians from PT convicted for corruption managed to distort the story so much that they virtually claimed to be political prisoners to their allies.

In Venezuela, even with regime closing in on two decades of rule, Chavistas and their cronies continue to claim to be victims of an anti-revolutionary agenda. And the Latin American statist left is all too happy to minimize the violence suffered by the Venezuelan population and to embrace the version that everything has just been a movement orchestrated by the elite against social progress.

But that is a schizophrenic position. Decades-old regimes cannot be revolutionary. The Venezuelan government, specifically (although the same goes for many other “leftist” states in Latin America) is nothing more than the same old oligarchy with new slogans.

The left can either keep their punk rock self-image or embrace their willingness to idolize the state. Either the leftists can become fully-fledged libertarians and question all power or they can come clean and admit to being lovers of authority. They can’t have it both ways.

Venezuelan protesters would certainly thank the statist revolutionaries if they stopped justifying the tear gas and rubber bullets.

Translations for this article:

• Spanish, Ser Estatista, Ser Revolucionario.
• Portuguese, Ser revolucionário, ser governista.

“I have seen cases of people who are put in the SHU and deemed gang members because they have academic books by the Black Panthers or journal writings about African-American history. Even the materials for gang investigators teach that the use of the words ‘tío’ or ‘hermano,’ ‘uncle’ or ‘brother’ in Spanish, can indicate gang activity.”

California prisons torture inmates for reading about black liberation or for speaking Spanish.

The racism California’s prisoners are fighting does not stop there. They also demand an end to group punishments, including what ProPublica‘s Christie Thompson calls “race-based lockdowns that restrict an entire race of inmates for one prisoner’s violation.” This kind of collective punishment should disgust all who believe in individual rights. Anyone who values freedom, equality, or human dignity should support California’s striking prisoners. But we should not stop there.

The prisoners seek an end to some of the worst abuses of the prison system. We should demand an end to the prison system itself. The prison system is a continuation of slavery. The 13th Amendment prohibits slavery “except as a punishment for crime.” So rather than abolishing slavery, the 13th Amendment simply changed its form. After the Civil War, Southern states used the Black Codes to criminalize blacks. This created forced labor that was arguably worse than slavery. As Angela Davis explains:

Slave owners may have been concerned for the survival of individual slaves, who, after all, represented significant investments. Convicts, on the other hand, were leased not as individuals, but as a group, and they could be worked literally to death without affecting the profitability of a convict crew.

This extension of slavery continues today.

The Louisiana State Penitentiary, better known as “Angola,” was converted from a slave plantation to a prison, and is still used for forced agricultural labor. Sweatshop conditions exist in prisons across the country. Companies like Walmart, AT&T, and Starbucks all profit from this slave labor. So do war profiteers like BAE, Lockheed Martin, and Boeing. The racism of slavery persists; 60% of prisoners are people of color. The abolitionist movement has some unfinished business, and it can only be resolved through prison abolition.

Prison abolitionism is often seen as utopian, but I believe it is one of the most practical causes activists can work towards. I support three core tactics for resisting and eventually abolishing prisons:

1. Support prisoners. Act in solidarity with prisoners who resist, such as the hunger strikers. Write letters to prisoners. Raise money for their commissary or send them books. While these sorts of actions will not abolish prisons on their own, they help prisoners survive incarceration, and they can help build a resistance movement on all sides of  prison walls.

2. Resist the prison growth industry. Organize against construction of any new prisons, jails, and detention centers. Divest from banks that profit off prisons, such as Wells Fargo, and urge others to do the same. Expose prison profiteers like Jane Marquardt and undermine their political influence. Film cops, finance legal defenses, and promote jury nullification, so fewer people are sent to prison.

3. Build alternatives to prisons. For example, LGBT people of color in New York run a Safe Neighborhood Campaign, which trains local businesses and community groups to stop violence without calling the police. Women organize many grassroots projects to defend themselves from gender violence in an America where 97% of rapists are never sent to prison.

Building alternatives to police and prisons can make communities safer and end the state’s monopoly on security and justice. Abolishing prisons is a moral imperative. But moreover, it’s a practical plan.

The new veto-proof Republican majority has been moving quickly, working on a number of new powerful laws that seek to serve special interests as opposed to people.

Duke-Progress Energy, the largest utility monopoly in the United States, is being awarded rate hikes by a favorable energy commission (the energy commission attempts to simulate a “market force” to keep the giant in check) in hard economic times. The utility giant is also doubling down on dirty energy resources while backing away from conservation and efficiency programs which would save working families money in the current economic slump.

Aqua America, the nation’s largest private water company, has an active subsidiary in North Carolina. Privatization of local municipalities is becoming a big issue in the state all while the legislature is also moving to strip local municipalities of the right to manage their own water. Government officials are also trying to bring fracking to the Tar Heel state. The bills promoting our nations latest energy boom classically use state power to uphold industry. The latest “fast track frack bill” seeks to allow eminent domain,compulsory pooling, and a number of other pro-industry “regulations.”

In the halls of power in Raleigh, politicians are also working to expand the regressive sales tax, cut spending on education, cut public safety nets and reduce unemployment benefits. One must not forget efforts at reforming the state’s criminal justice system and voting rights as well.

In response a small group of people began to organize what has come to be Moral Mondays. Organized by the NAACP, weekly protests have been held every Monday since mid April to raise awareness about the newest democratic assault occurring in the south. At the first Moral Monday there were 17 arrests while tens of supporters showed solidarity. Every single week this protest has grown, and now, as Reverend William Barber of the NAACP puts it, Moral Mondays “are a movement … not a moment.” Crowds have surged into the thousands and they sing, cheer and chant as over 100 people are now being arrested. As the legislature is soon drawing to a close, so too are Moral Mondays.

The movement will remain important, however, for a long time to come. It will remain important not because a Republican majority is being challenged. Not because of the progressive wishes of the movement (though folks across all political spectrums have shown support). Not even because of the calls for a more representative government. Moral Mondays will remain important rather because of the disobedience. Moral Mondays are composed of active, concerned and engaged individuals challenging state power. Civil disobedience is the most powerful tool available to libertarians. The power, the right, the willingness to disobey is fundamental to a free society. Power must be challenged.

State interests are different from individual interests. State interests are also different from community interests. Though agents of the state remind us that they are elected officials and that they are “public servants,” we must not forget that first and foremost they are “state servants.” The state seeks power, wealth and influence over society. The state seeks to serve vested interests as opposed to individual/collective interests. As individuals we seek health, creative labor, peace, leisure, love, companionship and clean and safe communities. The public is at odds with the state.

As this “Moral Spring” draws to a close here in North Carolina, I hope the citizens here realize they will always be at odds with the state, even with their prefered “state servants” in power. Indeed only in opposition to rule will our households, communities and Earth be healthy. Only without rule will we truly be liberated.

Related articles

• 120 people arrested during eighth Moral Monday protest (myfox8.com)
• State NAACP President, Rev. William Barber, Is Emerging as the Leader of Moral Monday Protests in North Carolina (blackchristiannews.com)
• Moral Mondays (appalachianson.wordpress.com)
• Moral Monday crowds swell in week 8; first protestors appear in court (newsobserver.com)
• Reading Thoreau’s “Civil Disobedience” On My Way To A Demonstration (stuffjeffreads.wordpress.com)