Por su parte, Chomsky ha declarado en varias ocasiones que Chávez llevó a cabo una ruptura revolucionaria con el pasado político de Venezuela, especialmente en relación con las políticas sociales del estado para con los pobres, haciendo eco del discurso chavista fundacional de la «revolución bolivariana».

En una entrevista con el periódico español Diagonal en marzo de 2006 Chomsky declaró que «por primera vez el país está utilizando… recursos energéticos para su desarrollo… en la construcción, la salud…». Así mismo, en un artículo de opinión para La Jornada de México en el 2005, escribió que «es sólo ahora con el presidente Chávez… [que] la medicina se ha convertido en algo real para la mayoría de los pobres».

El mes pasado, hablando con el economista venezolano Miguel Ángel Santos , Chomsky reiteró su punto: «Durante muchos años Venezuela estuvo dominada por élites que… cosechaban todos los beneficios de las bonanzas petroleras mientras marginaban a los pobres… Chávez se enfrentó a eso…».

Lamentablemente, Chomsky ignora hechos básicos de la historia contemporánea de Venezuela. No hay nada de revolucionario en las políticas sociales chavistas.

En La Revolución como Espectáculo, Rafael Uzcátegui, co-editor del periódico anarquista venezolano El Libertario, presenta una enorme cantidad de datos que muestran que hasta principios de los años 80, cuando los precios del petróleo comenzaron un descenso sostenido que drenó la capacidad del Estado venezolano para sostener los subsidios masivos que apaciguaban a las masas desde 1958 y en última instancia condujo al Caracazo en 1989 (una ola de disturbios durante el segundo gobierno de Carlos Andrés Pérez en la que miles de personas fueron asesinadas por los militares), las políticas de bienestar eran tan omnipresentes, y a veces más efectivas, que las que caracterizaron al período chavista.

Limitaremos la mirada a las dos áreas mencionadas por Chomsky, vivienda y asistencia sanitaria (Uzcátegui aplica un análisis similar para una amplia gama de políticas sociales).

Según los datos del censo nacional, los proyectos de vivienda del estado redujeron las chabolas como porcentaje del total de viviendas del 37,18% en 1961 al 12,56% en 1990. La penetración de la red eléctrica pasó del 58,16% en 1961 al 76,59% en 1981. El acceso a agua potable aumentó del 46,7% en 1961 al 68,74% en 1981.

El gobierno de Chávez construyó un promedio de 26.000 hogares por año entre 1999 y 2008. El promedio de la década de los 90 fue mucho más alto, alcanzando 64.000 por año.

Las «Clínicas Populares» y «Hospitales del Pueblo» creados por la famosa Misión Barrio Adentro, un programa ampliamente publicitado como pionero en dar acceso a los pobres a la atención médica, son hoy incapaces de proporcionar tratamiento para cualquier dolencia más compleja que una fractura ósea.

Para los tratamientos críticos la gente debe acudir a la vieja red de hospitales construidos durante la Cuarta República, que en 1980 alcanzó una de las coberturas más amplias de la región con 2,7 camas por cada mil habitantes, pero que hoy está prácticamente en ruinas.

Esto se tradujo, entre otras tragedias, en que las mujeres más pobres de Venezuela diesen a luz en condiciones inhumanas durante el período 1998-2008, y en una tasa de 16% de mortalidad materna debida a abortos clandestinos para el 2010.

La otra cara del argumento de Chomsky, que Venezuela antes de Chávez estaba dominada por élites que cosechaban la mayor parte de la bonanza petrolera, es cierta pero irrelevante. La Venezuela de hoy sigue estando dominada por élites, aunque nuevas: la llamada boliburguesía, ricos y poderosos gracias a sus conexiones políticas o su participación directa en el todopoderoso estado bolivariano.

En realidad, la élite chavista es mucho más corrupta, autoritaria e inepta que sus predecesores de la Cuarta República. Si el monopolio del uso de la fuerza y ​​la administración de la justicia es la característica más básica y definitoria del estado, Venezuela hoy fácilmente puede ser descrita como un estado fallido: La epidemia de violencia que azota al país dejó un saldo de casi 25.000 asesinatos en el 2013, más del 90% sin resolver .

Hugo Chávez no era un revolucionario. Más bien profundizó el modelo de socialdemocracia petro-estatista imperante en Venezuela desde 1958 hasta un nivel sin precedentes. Y también, como sostiene Uzcátegui en su libro, ejecutó magistralmente el arte del espectáculo demagógico como nadie antes que él – espectáculo que dejó totalmente deslumbrado a Noam Chomsky, a pesar de su toda su fuerza intelectual y analítica .

For his part, Chomsky has repeatedly stated that Chávez ushered a revolutionary break with Venezuela’s political past, especially regarding the social policies of the state toward the poor, echoing the foundational Chavista discourse of “Bolivarian revolution.”

In an interview with Spanish newspaper Diagonal in March 2006, Chomsky declared that “for the first time, the country is using … energy resources for its development … in construction, health …” Likewise, in a 2005 op-ed for Mexico’s La Jornada, he wrote “it is only now with President Chávez … [that] medicine has become something real for a majority of the poor.”

Last month, speaking to Venezuelan economist Miguel Ángel Santos, Chomsky repeated his point: “For many years Venezuela was dominated by elites that … harvested all the benefits from the oil bonanzas while marginalizing the poor … Chávez came up against that …”

Regrettably, Chomsky ignores basic facts of Venezuelan contemporary history. There is nothing revolutionary about the Chavista welfare state.

In Revolution as Spectacle, Rafael Uzcátegui, co-editor of Venezuelan anarchist newspaper El Libertario, presents reams of data showing that up until the early 80’s, when oil prices started a sustained decline that drained the Venezuelan state’s capacity to sustain the massive subsidies that appeased the masses since 1958 and ultimately led to the Caracazo (a wave of riots in 1989 where thousands were killed by the military under the second administration of Carlos Andrés Pérez) welfare policies were as ubiquitous, and at times more effective, than those of Chávez’s reign.

Let’s limit our look to the two areas mentioned by Chomsky, housing and health care (Uzcátegui applies a similar analysis to a wide range of welfare policies).

According to national census data, the state’s housing projects reduced shanty-town dwellings as a percentage of total housing from 37.18% in 1961 to 12.56% in 1990. Penetration of the electricity grid was 58.16% in 1961 and 76.59% in 1981. Access to running water increased from 46.7% in 1961 to 68.74% in 1981.

The Chávez administration built an average of of 26,000 households per year between 1999 and 2008. The average for the 90s decade was a much higher 64,000 per year.

The Popular Clinics and Hospitals of the People created by the famous Barrio Adentro Mission, a program widely publicized as having secured hitherto unparalleled access to basic health care for the poor, are today unable to provide treatment for any ailment more complex than a broken bone.

For critical treatments, the people must rely on the old hospital network built during the Fourth Republic, which in 1980 reached one of the widest coverages of the region with 2.7 beds per thousand habitants, but today is basically in shambles.

This translated, among other tragedies, into poor women in Venezuela giving birth under inhuman conditions during the period 1998-2008, and a 16% rate of maternal deaths due to clandestine abortions for 2010.

The flip side of Chomsky’s argument, that Venezuela before Chávez was dominated by elites harvesting most of the oil bonanza, is true, but irrelevant: Today’s Venezuela is still dominated by brave new elites, the so called boliborgoise, wealthy and powerful thanks to their connections to, or direct participation in, the all-powerful Bolivarian state.

Actually, the Chavista elite is much more corrupt, authoritarian and inept than their Fourth Republic predecessors. If the monopoly on the use of force and administration of justice is the defining feature of the state, Venezuela today can easily be described as a failed one: The country’s epidemic of violence netted almost 25,000 murders in 2013, more than 90% unsolved.

Hugo Chávez was no revolutionary. He simply took the petro-statist social democratic model prevailing in Venezuela since 1958 to a whole new level. As Uzcátegui argues in his book, he masterfully executed the art of the demagogic spectacle like no one before him — spectacle that utterly mesmerized Noam Chomsky, despite his analytical and intellectual prowess.

Translations for this article:

• Spanish, Noam Chomsky, Deslumbrado por el Espectáculo Bolivariano.
• Portuguese, Noam Chomsky: fascinado pelo espetáculo bolivariano.

Chomsky’s reason for the “not yet” is that a powerful central government is currently necessary as a bulwark against the power of the corporate elite; thus it will not be safe to abolish or even scale back the state until we first use the state to break the power of the corporate elite:

“In the long term, I think the centralized political power ought to be eliminated and dissolved and turned down ultimately to the local level, finally, with federalism and associations and so on. On the other hand, right now, I’d like to strengthen the federal government. The reason is, we live in this world, not some other world. And in this world there happen to be huge concentrations of private power that are as close to tyranny and as close to totalitarian as anything humans have devised.

There’s only one way of defending rights that have been attained, or of extending their scope in the face of these private powers, and that’s to maintain the one form of illegitimate power that happens to be somewhat responsible to the public and which the public can indeed influence.” — You Say You Want a Devolution

Now Chomsky’s notion of the state as a crucial bulwark against “concentrations of private power” might initially seem puzzling, given that – as Chomsky’s own research has confirmed time and again – the state has historically been the chief enabler of such concentrations. But what Chomsky seems to mean is not so much that it generally acts as a bulwark now, but rather that it can be made to do so; if you’re facing a much stronger opponent (private power) who also has a sword (government power), you’re better off trying to grab the sword and use it against him than you would be simply destroying the sword.

“The government is far from benign – that’s true. On the other hand, it’s at least partially accountable, and it can become as benign as we make it.

What’s not benign (what’s extremely harmful, in fact) is something you didn’t mention – business power, which is highly concentrated and, by now, largely transnational. Business power is very far from benign and it’s completely unaccountable. It’s a totalitarian system that has an enormous effect on our lives. It’s also the main reason why the government isn’t benign.” — On Gun Control

There are two assumptions here with which I want to take issue.

First, Chomsky assumes that the influence of private business on government is “the main reason why the government isn’t benign.” Why on earth does he believe this? Monopoly power tends to invite abuse, whether those who direct that power are mostly within or mostly outside the state apparatus. If Chomsky thinks government would be so harmless without evil capitalists pulling the strings, why does he want to abolish it even in the long run?

Second, Chomsky assumes that state power is “partially accountable” while business power is “completely unaccountable.” Now to begin with, I’m not sure whether the accountability of state power is here being contrasted with that of actually existing, state-enabled business power or instead with the accountability of business power as it would be without governmental support. But if it’s the former, then the contrast, even if correct, would provide no grounds for resisting the state’s abolition; the fact that X + Y is more dangerous than X by itself is not a good reason to defend X. The contrast is relevant to a defense of the state only if business, without state support, would still be less accountable than the state. And here it seems obvious that the state – even a democratic state – is far less accountable than genuinely private business.

After all, a business can get your labour and/or possessions only if you agree to hand them over, while a government can extract these by force. Of course you can try to vote your current representatives out of office, but only at multiple-year intervals, and only if you convince 51 % of your neighbours to do likewise; whereas you can terminate your relationship with a business at any time, and without getting others to go along. Moreover, each candidate offers a package-deal of policies, whereas with private enterprise I can choose, say, Grocery A’s vegetables and Grocery B’s meats.

David Friedman illuminates the contrast:

“When a consumer buys a product on the market, he can compare alternative brands. … When you elect a politician, you buy nothing but promises. … You can compare 1968 Fords, Chryslers, and Volkswagens, but nobody will ever be able to compare the Nixon administration of 1968 with the Humphrey and Wallace administrations of the same year. It is as if we had only Fords from 1920 to 1928, Chryslers from 1928 to 1936, and then had to decide what firm would make a better car for the next four years….

Not only does a consumer have better information than a voter, it is of more use to him. If I investigate alternative brands of cars …. decide which is best for me, and buy it, I get it. If I investigate alternative politicians and vote accordingly, I get what the majority votes for. …

Imagine buying cars the way we buy governments. Ten thousand people would get together and agree to vote, each for the car he preferred. Whichever car won, each of the ten thousand would have to buy it. It would not pay any of us to make any serious effort to find out which car was best; whatever I decide, my car is being picked for me by the other members of the group. … This is how I must buy products on the political marketplace. I not only cannot compare the alternative products, it would not be worth my while to do so even if I could.” — The Machinery of Freedom

The “accountability” provided by democratic government seems laughable by comparison with the accountability provided by the market. The chief function of the ballot, it would seem, is to make the populace more tractable by convincing them they’re somehow in charge.

None of this should be news to Chomsky, who after all has himself pointed out:

“As things now stand, the electoral process is a matter of the population being permitted every once in a while to choose among virtually identical representatives of business power. That’s better than having a dictator, but it’s a very limited form of democracy. Most of the population realizes that and doesn’t even participate. … And of course elections are almost completely purchased. In the last congressional elections, 95 percent of the victors in the election outspent their opponents, and campaigns were overwhelmingly funded by corporations.” — Chomsky’s Other Revolution

Well, yes, exactly. So what is the basis of Chomsky’s faith in the democratic state?

Chomsky might object that my defense of market accountability ignores the fact that such “accountability” involves voting with dollars, so that the wealthy have more votes than the poor – whereas in a democratic state everyone has an equal vote. But even if we leave aside the causal dependence of existing disparities of wealth on systematic state intervention – as well as the fact that government, by controlling the direction of resources it does not own, magnifies the power of the wealthy – it still remains the case that however few dollars one may have, when one votes with those dollars one gets something back, whereas when one votes with ballots one gets back nothing one was aiming for unless one happens to be voting with the majority. Which is less democratic – a system in which the effectiveness of one’s vote varies with one’s resources, or one in which 49% of the population has no effective vote at all?

Chomsky is hardly unaware that what he calls “business power” depends crucially on government intervention – since he has done as much as anyone to document this relationship. As he notes:

“Any form of concentrated power, whatever it is, is not going to want to be subjected to popular democratic control or, for that matter, to market discipline. Powerful sectors, including corporate wealth, are naturally opposed to functioning democracy, just as they’re opposed to functioning markets, for themselves, at least.” — Reflections on Democracy (emphasis added)

So if the corporate elite are so terrified of the free market, why is Chomsky so reluctant to hurl them into it?

Perhaps Chomsky’s view is that although government is needed to create these concentrations of private power, it’s not needed to maintain them, so just suppressing the state at this point in the game would leave business power intact. That’s not a crazy view, but it needs argument. After all, systematic government intervention on behalf of big business isn’t just something that happened back in the Gilded Age or the Progressive Era or the New Deal; it continues, massively and unceasingly. I wouldn’t claim (indeed I’ve denied) that private power depends solely and uniquely on state support; but it’s hard to believe that all that state support is simply superfluous, as it must be if removing such state support wouldn’t appreciably weaken businesss power.

Chomsky has said (in Answers to Eight Questions on Anarchism) that although he finds himself “in substantial agreement with people who consider themselves anarcho-capitalists on a whole range of issues,” and also “admire[s] their commitment to rationality,” he nevertheless regards the free-market version of anarchism as “a doctrinal system which, if ever implemented, would lead to forms of tyranny and oppression that have few counterparts in human history.” Why? Because “the idea of ‘free contract’ between the potentate and his starving subject is a sick joke.”

But this argument is blatantly question-begging. Chomsky is assuming the very point that’s in dispute – namely that without government intervention on behalf of the rich, the economy would be divided into “potentates” and “starving subjects.” Now it’s true that market anarchists (for reasons explained elsewhere, I prefer to avoid the term “anarcho-capitalist”) themselves have sometimes – mistakenly, in my view – described their ideal economy as looking very much like the distribution of wealth and labour roles in our present economy, only minus the state. But why should Chomsky take their word for it? If the state really is intervening massively and systematically on behalf of the “potentate” and against the “starving subject” – as Chomsky must admit that it is, since his research explicitly demonstrates just this – why on earth would he expect that power imbalance to remain unchanged once that intervention ceases?

Not only does Chomsky underestimate the resources of anarchy, but he also appears to overestimate the serviceability of the state. He writes as if, even though the state is doing lots of bad stuff now, this could all be changed if more people would vote correctly. Now it’s true enough that people voting differently can make a difference to just how bad the government is. (If enough Germans had voted differently in 1932, they could have gotten a less awful regime.) Still, at the end of the day, what’s wrong with a coercive monopoly is not that the wrong people are running it, but rather that – leaving aside its inherent injustice – such a monopoly brings with it incentival and informational perversities which there is no way to avoid (except by removing the source of the problem, the monopoly, in which case what you have is no longer a state).

Ready to print zine PDF.